By Rahi Bhide

The Bihar Assembly elections have not yet been officially declared. Yet, the political atmosphere is already charged with acrimony, with the ruling BJP and the INDIA alliance trading accusations on a familiar theme vote theft. The contours of the upcoming contest are becoming visible, and unfortunately, they reveal little space for the issues of employment, poverty, education, and development that should concern ordinary citizens. Instead, allegations of voter list manipulation and illegal infiltration are set to dominate the campaign, pushing governance related questions to the margins.

A Recurring Theme in Indian Politics

The politics of voter list discrepancies is not new. In fact, both the Congress and the BJP have, at different times, accused each other of manipulating the electoral process. Congress leaders have consistently alleged that the Election Commission operates under BJP pressure, citing alleged tampering with electronic voting machines (EVMs) during the Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra elections. In Maharashtra, Congress went so far as to accuse the Commission of “match fixing.”

The latest flashpoint emerged after the Election Commission announced a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists ahead of the Bihar polls. Opposition parties immediately objected, alleging that the process could be used to disenfranchise legitimate voters while including infiltrators. In Parliament, and even outside its doors, INDIA bloc MPs staged demonstrations, marching towards the Election Commission’s offices.

Rahul Gandhi intensified the attack by alleging outright theft of votes in Karnataka’s Mahadevapura constituency claiming one lakh votes had been stolen. This was perhaps the first time a direct accusation of “vote theft” was hurled at the Election Commission itself. The Commission reacted sharply, issuing a notice to Rahul, but the damage was done: the opposition had successfully made “vote theft” a rallying cry.

The BJP’s Counteroffensive

The ruling party has not been on the defensive. Instead, it has crafted a counter narrative: that the opposition is shielding infiltrators and encouraging demographic manipulation. Amit Shah, in a speech at Sitamarhi, accused Rahul Gandhi of protecting Bangladeshi infiltrators under the guise of opposing SIR. He declared that only those born in India had the constitutional right to vote, framing the issue as one of sovereignty and national security.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his Independence Day address from the Red Fort, lent further weight to this theme. Without naming political opponents, he warned of a “planned conspiracy” to change India’s demography. He linked infiltrators to crime, exploitation of tribal communities, and threats to women’s safety, painting them as a multifaceted menace to society. This strategic framing allows the BJP to connect voter list disputes to a larger narrative of national integrity and cultural survival.

Social Media: A Parallel Battleground

Alongside speeches and rallies, social media has become a critical front. Congress has mounted campaigns on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram, portraying the BJP and the Election Commission as conspirators against democracy. Hashtags around “vote theft” have trended repeatedly, giving the issue visibility beyond Bihar.

The BJP’s IT cell, however, has countered aggressively, digging into historical records. Leaders have resurfaced allegations that Sonia Gandhi was registered as a voter even before becoming an Indian citizen. This blending of past controversies with present accusations is aimed at keeping the opposition on the defensive.

Personal Attacks and High-Profile Constituencies

The fight has also turned personal. BJP leaders have targeted high-profile constituencies held by opposition leaders, alleging irregularities in their voter rolls. From Sonia Gandhi’s Raebareli and Priyanka Gandhi’s Wayanad to Abhishek Banerjee’s Diamond Harbour and Akhilesh Yadav’s Kannauj, BJP leaders have accused these leaders of benefiting from inflated or manipulated lists. Even Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin’s Kolathur constituency was not spared.

Such personalized accusations serve a dual purpose: they discredit opposition leaders individually while reinforcing the broader charge of systemic malpractice.

Institutions Under Fire

Caught in the crossfire is the Election Commission itself. Once regarded as one of India’s most respected constitutional bodies, the Commission now finds its impartiality repeatedly questioned. The opposition paints it as an agent of the ruling party, while the BJP accuses it of being unfairly maligned by those unwilling to accept electoral defeat.

The judiciary has also come under indirect fire. BJP leaders remind voters that the opposition has cast doubts not just on the Election Commission but also on the Supreme Court, the armed forces, and even India’s military operations against neighboring states. This, they argue, reveals a consistent pattern of undermining institutions whenever political interests are at stake.

Risks to Democratic Confidence

This cycle of accusation and counter accusation carries grave risks. When both ruling and opposition parties persistently allege electoral fraud, the credibility of the democratic process itself comes under question. Ordinary voters may begin to wonder whether their ballots truly count, or whether outcomes are predetermined by manipulation. Such erosion of trust could depress turnout, distort mandates, and weaken the very foundations of India’s representative democracy.

Moreover, focusing obsessively on infiltration and vote theft sidelines pressing concerns. Bihar, like much of India, faces deep challenges: unemployment, agricultural distress, weak healthcare infrastructure, and poor educational outcomes. Yet these issues find little mention in political discourse, drowned out by the din of accusations.

The Road Ahead

Rahul Gandhi’s 16-day “Voter Rights Yatra,” spanning 1,300 kilometers across Bihar, is designed to project the opposition as defenders of democracy. Tejashwi Yadav and leftist allies have joined hands, seeking to mobilize grassroots anger. On the other side, the BJP is mobilizing its leaders to hammer home the theme of infiltration as a national security threat.

As the Bihar polls draw closer, one thing is clear: the election will be less about development and governance, and more about which narrative of electoral integrity voters find more credible. Will they believe the opposition’s charge that democracy is under siege from a partisan Election Commission? Or will they align with the BJP’s warning that infiltrators are stealing their future through the ballot box?

The answer may well shape not just Bihar’s future, but the credibility of India’s electoral system itself. If elections are repeatedly reduced to battles over the sanctity of voter lists, with both sides claiming fraud in advance, the very idea of free and fair elections risks becoming a casualty.

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Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Rajiv Kumar announced on Thursday that the draft voter list for Bihar will be published on August 1 as part of a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls. Citizens and political parties will have time until September 1 to submit applications for inclusion, deletion, or correction of names.

As part of the process, the District Election Officers will distribute both printed and digital copies of the draft roll to all recognized political parties in Bihar’s 38 districts. The effort is aimed at ensuring transparency and accuracy in the electoral list ahead of future elections.

The Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) of all 243 Assembly constituencies will begin accepting suggestions and objections from August 1 to September 1. Eligible voters can apply to add their names, request the removal of ineligible names, or seek corrections in the draft list.

Opposition Alleges Bias and Procedural Flaws

The CEC’s announcement comes at a time when opposition parties have been vocally protesting against the ongoing SIR process. They claim that lack of sufficient documentation requirements may result in eligible citizens being deprived of their voting rights.

Furthermore, the opposition has accused the ruling BJP-JD(U) alliance of attempting to influence local election officials in their favor during the revision process. This concern has led to daily disruptions in both Houses of Parliament during the Monsoon Session, with opposition MPs demanding more safeguards to ensure a free and fair electoral process.

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By Bhaga Warkhade

The Cost of Pre-election Promises:
The promise of free electricity ahead of elections raises serious concerns about Bihar’s fiscal health. CM Nitish Kumar has declared that households will receive 125 units of free electricity per month. However, subsidies on power already consume nearly half the state’s budget. For FY 2024–25, the Bihar government has allocated ₹15,343 crore under the "Mukhyamantri Vidyut Upbhokta Sahayata Yojana." In a state like Bihar with limited resources, such populist welfare schemes risk destabilizing the economy. Capital expenditure could be diverted toward debt repayment.

Alongside the free electricity pledge, Nitish Kumar also announced a plan to install rooftop solar panels on every home over the next three years. The timing—just before elections—clearly reflects the growing trend of offering free handouts to woo voters. While not a new strategy, the scale of these promises is expanding. In 2023–24, states like Maharashtra spent around ₹96,000 crore (2.2% of GSDP), Karnataka ₹53,700 crore (1.9%), and Bihar around ₹20,000 crore (2.1%) on such schemes. States like Punjab, Jharkhand, and Rajasthan are already under financial strain. Punjab, due to excessive borrowing, ranks lowest on the NITI Aayog’s fiscal health index. This is not merely a policy issue—it’s about state capacity. Bihar’s tax collection is weak, and its borrowing capacity is limited. With rising expenditure and stagnant revenue, can the state afford another guarantee?

Only 2–3% of India’s population—mainly the urban middle class—pays income tax. This class is now growing resentful under the burden of subsidies. Meanwhile, Nitish Kumar remains firm, stating that 125 units of free electricity will be guaranteed. However, a recent RBI report titled “State Finances: A Study of Budgets 2024–25” warned that such spending could limit funds for other critical social and infrastructure projects.

The Growing Political Utility of Free Power:
Free electricity is once again at the center of Indian politics, this time with Bihar in focus. Nitish Kumar has announced that starting August 1, all domestic power consumers in Bihar will receive 125 units of electricity for free each month. An estimated 1.67 crore households will benefit directly from this scheme.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) pioneered the free electricity promise in Delhi elections, later expanding the model to other states. Initially, free power was a benefit mostly reserved for farmers. Now, the promise of free units is being offered to the general public. AAP leader and former Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal successfully made free electricity a political highlight. In 2013, upon entering Delhi politics, Kejriwal focused on issues with direct public appeal, and free electricity topped the list. At first, other parties struggled to grasp the significance of the policy. BJP even mocked it as “freebies” or “rewri culture.” However, once Kejriwal's policy succeeded in Delhi, many leaders from other parties began to replicate it.

In recent elections, nearly every major party dangled the bait of free electricity. The scheme found success in Punjab, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, and Himachal Pradesh. Now, all eyes are on Bihar to see if it follows suit.

State-wise Subsidy Landscape:

• Punjab: AAP-led government provides 300 units of free power to households, a key electoral promise now implemented.

• Rajasthan: Households receive 300 units of free electricity, benefiting around 5 lakh families.

• Delhi: Offers 200 units free; beyond that, consumers pay. Around 48 lakh out of 58 lakh domestic consumers benefit.

• Jharkhand: Recently increased its cap from 100 to 125 units of free electricity.

• Himachal Pradesh: Under Congress rule, offers 125 units of free power to the general public, offering substantial relief.

Clearly, electricity subsidies are in high demand and have become a “winning formula” in elections across states like Delhi, Punjab, UP, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu. Now, it has arrived in Bihar.

Nitish Kumar’s move to offer 125 units of free power from August 1 is seen as a political gamble. As the saying goes, “Victory justifies the means—whether through strength or strategy.” Bihar is not the only state where such promises are made before elections—this trend has become common nationwide. Political parties are busy illuminating their fortunes with the current of free power. New promises often bury old failures, in line with the adage “Old wounds are forgotten under new shadows.”

By announcing free electricity before the elections, Nitish Kumar has posed a significant challenge to Lalu Prasad Yadav’s RJD. With a large share of the population falling under BPL, labor, and lower-middle-class categories, the move is likely to ease the electricity bill burden on millions. In essence, Nitish has released a pre-election manifesto targeting the poor and middle class. The policy will directly benefit 1.67 crore households and save each family approximately ₹900 per month.

In his campaign speeches, Nitish often criticizes Lalu’s “lantern era” and evokes memories of the days when people relied on lanterns after sunset. He’s clearly tapping into emotional chords to win votes.

After playing the “free electricity” card, the JD(U)-BJP alliance may have complicated things for the RJD. In the next three years, every household consumer will either have a rooftop solar project or benefit from a nearby community solar installation. Under the Kutir Jyoti Yojana, the government will fully cover solar power setup costs for the extremely poor. Others will receive necessary assistance as well.

As a result, domestic consumers will not have to pay for up to 125 units of electricity, and estimates suggest Bihar could generate up to 10,000 MW of solar energy in the next three years.

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