One can sense the urgency. It was palpable at the recently concluded AICC (All India Congress Committee) session in Ahmedabad, the choice of venue a strategic declaration of intent. The Congress wanted its adversary to know that it wouldn’t be intimidated, that it would reclaim what was inalienably a part of its own hallowed history. Gujarat is the state of Sardar Patel — an icon of the freedom movement, a man who stood shoulder to shoulder with Pandit Nehru, before and after Independence.

He is also the man the Sangh Parivar wants to project as an adversary of Nehru’s, and to appropriate him as one of their own. This, it has no way of doing without peddling fake history about the differences between the two leaders, or desperate recourse to grand memorialising, as if to declare: ‘we built the Statue of Unity, the tallest in the world, so he (the Sardar) is ours.’ Sorry, says the Congress, look someplace else.

The Sangh has trouble with Mahatma Gandhi as well, not quite sure whether to make him theirs or make a hero of his assassin. Hence the choice of Gujarat to hold the latest AICC session — incidentally the first in the state after 64 years.

Indira Bhawan, the new Congress headquarters in Delhi, inaugurated in January 2025, houses a collection of photographs that proudly display, for eyes that can see, the party’s ease with dissent and difference; you’ll find in this collection not just its most revered heroes but also people who fell out or walked out of the grand old ‘tent for everyone’ party over differences.

This, too, is a sign of the new Congress in the making that party president Mallikarjun Kharge talks about. At its Belagavi conclave in December 2024, the Congress had declared that 2025 would be the year of organisational empowerment.

Ahead of the Ahmedabad session of the AICC, which concluded on 9 April, general-secretary Sachin Pilot reiterated the party’s focus on organisational reforms, to its commitment in the Udaipur Declaration (of May 2022) to create more space for youth in the party organisation. The ‘Nyaypath resolution’, adopted in Ahmedabad, is a roadmap to rebuild the party from the ground up.

At the heart of the revamp is a structural overhaul — the Congress wants to invert its top-down decision-making model, and reimagine the party’s district units as its engines. Each District Congress Committee (DCC) will now have its own Political Affairs Committee, observers from both the AICC and state units — and the power to take critical decisions. “We will make the District Congress Committees the foundation of the party,” said Rahul Gandhi in his address, marking a significant departure from the era of centralised decision-making. In Gujarat, observers have already been appointed to all 41 DCCs.

The list includes senior leaders like Manickam Tagore, Praniti Shinde, Imran Masood, Balasaheb Thorat and Meenakshi Natarajan. AICC general-secretary K.C. Venugopal announced that both Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi plan to conduct day-long workshops in every state. Later, speaking at one such workshop in Gujarat, Rahul Gandhi made the plan abundantly clear: performance — not proximity — will determine leadership roles and cabinet berths in government.

“This revamp opens a new window for those who want to contribute to public life, help formulate policy and politics with a difference—and shuts it for those who don’t,” he told party workers.

One of the most radical aspects of this transformation is the party’s push towards internal democracy. For decades, the Congress has faced criticism for letting elitist, upper caste and wealthy leaders determine the course of the party. That, it seems, is beginning to change.

Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, also incidentally a Dalit himself, told National Herald that while the party stands for all sections of society, “those who have historically lagged behind — like OBCs — will now be given their rightful space”.

The appointment of Anil Jaihind — a key organiser of the Samvidhan Sammelans Rahul Gandhi has been addressing — as head of the OBC department is seen as part of this course correction. Once considered appendages of the party, the Congress’s front organisations now have pivotal roles in its revival strategy.

The Indian Youth Congress (IYC) is visibly re-energised. Under the stewardship of Krishna Allavaru, it has launched initiatives like ‘Young India Ke Bol’, a talent hunt for future party spokespersons. At the culminating event of the party’s recently concluded ‘Palayan Roko, Naukri Do Yatra’ in Patna, Allavaru told aspiring leaders: “Today, you don’t need to do parikrama; if you have talent and understand ideology, you’ll get a platform.”

The National Students' Union of India (NSUI), under the leadership of Kanhaiya Kumar, is seeing a similar resurgence. It won the post of DUSU (Delhi University Students Union) president and did well in the recent Patna University elections. The All India Professionals’ Congress has launched the Manmohan Singh Fellowship Programme, which seeks to bring mid-career professionals into politics through structured mentorship and training.

The Seva Dal, founded in 1923 as a front organisation that organised volunteers for picketing, enrolled new Congress members and supported civil disobedience activism, has found renewed purpose.

Its cadre played a crucial role in both the Bharat Jodo Yatra and the Bharat Jodo Nyay Yatra, prompting fond reminiscences from old-timers of the Congress’s ground-level organisation back in the day. The Seva Dal’s women’s wing — which was banned by the British, a ban never formally revoked after Independence — has also been revived, adding a new dimension to the party’s re-engagement with its legacy.

Seva Dal chief Lalji Desai told National Herald that the organisation’s ‘Ravi Milan’ programme, aimed at revitalising and expanding the party’s grassroots presence, has been a big success. On the last Sunday of every month, senior members of the Seva Dal meet with new recruits across the country. “We have organised meetings in over 300 districts,” he said. About the Seva Dal’s ‘Har Park Mein Tiranga’ campaign, Lalji said: “The RSS holds shakhas in parks and unfurls the saffron flag; our message is clear — neither saffron nor green, only the tricolour should be displayed in public spaces.”

The eponymous Minorities Department has started outreach programmes, under the leadership of the eloquent Imran Pratapgarhi, whose rousing speeches in Parliament have made him a minor social media phenomenon.

For the first time in years, the party seems to be fighting back with not just slogans or nostalgia but with structure, planning and grassroots engagement. The ongoing transformation is simultaneously a reckoning with past failures, a battle plan and a blueprint for the future. Political observers are watching the party’s re-organisation moves with interest. Those who see the Congress at the nerve centre of the pushback against the BJP–Sangh’s divisive politics are also keeping their fingers crossed.

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Activist Gulfisha Fatima, an MBA graduate and radio jockey, has been imprisoned for over five years without a verdict on her bail application. Her arrest on April 9, 2020, stemmed from her involvement in peaceful protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the subsequent Delhi riots.

The Charges and Court Battles

Fatima was booked under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) for allegedly being part of a secret conspiracy behind the riots, despite no evidence linking her to violence. Her bail application was rejected by a lower court in March 2022, but subsequent hearings in the high court have been marred by delays and judge transfers.

Delays and Indefinite Detention

The Delhi High Court has heard her case multiple times since January 2023, but no verdict has been delivered. Despite the Supreme Court's directive to expedite the hearing, Fatima remains in Tihar Jail, sparking concerns about judicial bias and the treatment of activists and religious minorities in India.

Disparity in Justice

Fatima's case highlights the disparity in the Indian justice system, where some individuals, like Arnab Goswami and Ram Rahim, receive swift bail or parole, while others, like Fatima and fellow activists Umar Khalid and Khalid Saifi, face prolonged imprisonment without trial or verdict.

International Scrutiny

Fatima's case has drawn international attention, with human rights organizations, including the United Nations and the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom, calling for her release.

Conclusion

Gulfisha Fatima's case serves as a poignant reminder of the challenges faced by activists and minority groups in India, raising questions about the fairness and impartiality of the country's judicial system.

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During the proceedings on Thursday, 17 April, the court observed that a large number of pleas — over 70 — had already been filed against the new Waqf Act and questioning its constitutionality, and more continue to be submitted almost daily.

Faced with this deluge of petitions, the bench — comprised of Chief Justice of India (CJI) Sanjiv Khanna and justices P.V. Sanjay Kumar and K.V. Viswanathan — finally admitted it was “impossible to deal with so many pleas”.

To avoid overcrowding the courtroom and ensure the time taken over hearing and judgement would not be dilatory, the court directed the petitioners to jointly select five petitions to be treated as the lead cases.

The remaining petitions will be treated as ‘intervention’ or ‘implementation’ applications.

The five selected petitioners are:

1.   Arshad Madani

2.   Muhammad Jameel Merchant

3.   Muhammad Fazlur Rahim

4.   Sheikh Noorul Hasan

5.   Asaduddin Owaisi

All petitioners were expected to collaborate and reach a consensus on which petitions would be designated as lead cases. However, it remains unclear how this final selection was made.

The other petitioners include some prominent political names too — Manoj Jha of the RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal), Mahua Moitra of the TMC (Trinamool Congress), Imran Pratapgarhi of the INC (Indian National Congress), Samajwadi Party MP Zia Ur Rehman Barq and AAP (Aam Aadmi Party) leader Amanatullah Khan.

The lawyers representing the petitioners include veterans Kapil Sibal and Abhishek Manu Singhvi, Amongst the selected five is AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi, of course, who is himself a lawyer by training as well and one of the first to move the Court against the Bill — though he will be represented by Nizam Pasha.

Also arguing against the Act are Zulfiqar Ali P.S., Anas Tanweer, and advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain, who himself is a petitioner.

With the lead petitions now identified, however, only their respective lawyers will present the primary arguments when the case is heard next on 5 May. Lawyers representing the remaining intervention petitions may still participate when necessary, though.

In the earlier stages of the case, senior advocates such as Salman Khurshid, Kapil Sibal, Abhishek Manu Singhvi, Rajeev Dhawan and Hafza Ahmadi had represented various parties. Going forward, only some of them will retain prominent roles. Among the selected lead petitions, senior advocate Rajeev Dhawan will continue to play a key role as the counsel for petitioner Muhammad Jameel Merchant.

The court has also appointed three nodal counsels to coordinate proceedings. Advocate Ejaz Ahmed will serve as the nodal counsel for the petitioners, Advocate Kanu Agarwal for the government and Advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain for the intervenors collectively.

Advocate Vishnu Shankar Jain’s name stands out, in particular. In his bio on X (formerly Twitter), he has stated, “I want restoration of Kashi and Mathura.”

Notably, he also posted a tweet two days ago commenting on the Waqf law, which has drawn attention in the context of this case:

Waqf by user is a draconian concept. So many temples are demolished in this country. The is no concept in this country of temple by user. The present amendment protects a large sections of society from the arbitrary powers of waqf board by using this concept of waqf by user. — Vishnu Shankar Jain (@Vishnu_Jain1) April 16, 2025

Notably, the complainants are not all Muslims; there are Hindu and Sikh petitioners — such as Daya Singh, president of Gurdwara Singh Sabha, Gurgaon, who has inveighed that the Act infringes on the Sikh practice of religious charitable donations as well.

Now, of course, as the hearing continues, the question remains — amidst a few heartening statements for both sides from the Court, spotlighting both specific provisions that were cited as laudable and others that seem unequal or have “grave ramifications” — will the Waqf Act pass the legal challenge?

PTI : The Supreme Court on Thursday, 15 April, agreed to examine the contentious issue of whether Muslims can be governed by the secular Indian succession law in dealing with ancestral properties, instead of Shariat law, without renouncing their faith.

A bench comprising Chief Justice Sanjiv Khanna and Justice Sanjay Kumar took note of a plea filed by Naushad K.K., a resident of Kerala's Thrissur district, that he wanted to be governed by the succession law instead of Shariat without leaving Islam as his religion.

The Court has issued notices to the Centre and the Kerala government on Naushad's plea and asked them to file their responses.

The bench also ordered tagging of the plea with similar pending cases on the issue.

Earlier, in April 2024, the bench had agreed to consider a plea from Safiya P.M., a resident of Alappuzha and general secretary of the 'Ex-Muslims of Kerala', arguing that she is a non-believer Muslim woman and wanted to deal with her ancestral properties under the succession laws instead of per Shariat.

Another similar plea filed in 2016 by the Quran Sunnat Society is also pending with the top court, which will now hear the three petitions together.

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