Mumbai, Correspondent

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has condemned the alleged assault on social activist Vidyanand Bapat, who was reportedly attacked while speaking to the media in Pune about his opposition to loud DJ music during Ganeshotsav celebrations.

Fadnavis said everyone has the right to express their views and that violence cannot be justified in response to an opinion.

Bapat, who has consistently opposed the use of high-volume DJs during Pune's Ganeshotsav celebrations, was speaking to the media on Tilak Road when a young man allegedly slapped him.  Bystanders intervened and restrained the alleged attacker. The incident has prompted reactions from political and social circles.

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Kolkata, Agency

West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari criticised previous governments over the state's education system, alleging that opportunities to learn English were severely curtailed during the Left Front era and that the situation deteriorated further during the final decade of the subsequent TMC government.

Speaking at an annual programme of an RSS-affiliated organisation in Kolkata's Golpark on Thursday, Adhikari said the state's education system had been pushed to a point where major reforms were necessary to prevent further deterioration.

Referring to Bengal's political history, the Chief Minister said people in the state had traditionally given sufficient time to the governments and had provided opportunities for change.

Alleging language terrorism by the previous government, he said, "The previous TMC government has introduced certain words which have no relation with the Bengali language. They have polluted the language and a correction is inevitable."

Adhikari said his government had aligned the state with the National Education Policy after coming to power.

He also reiterated the government's position on singing the full version of *Vande Mataram*, warning that institutions that did not comply would lose access to government grants and assistance.

The Chief Minister further accused previous governments of damaging the curriculum and undermining the dignity of the teaching profession by allegedly making appointments through blank appointment letters.

He also alleged that discrimination between Hindus and Muslims had been encouraged in educational institutions and that the National Cadet Corps (NCC) had been banned.

"We will not allow these kinds of things to happen in the state. There should be no discrimination," the Chief Minister said.

Speaking about the history of Bengal's freedom struggle, Adhikari said, "It is unbelievable that the contributions of revolutionaries such as Matangini Hazra and Khudiram Bose had been inadequately represented in school textbooks and instead some unimportant things have been given prominence."

He alleged that distortions had been introduced into history syllabi for Classes V to VIII.

The Chief Minister said protecting Bengal's heritage, reforming the education system and fostering patriotism among young people were among the government's key priorities.

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Pune, Agency

A sharp rise in swine flu cases in Pimpri-Chinchwad has raised concern among residents ahead of the festive season, with 31 cases reported in August alone, civic health officials said.

According to the Pimpri-Chinchwad Municipal Corporation (PCMC), the city reported one swine flu case in January, followed by five cases in July and a significant jump to 31 cases in August. However, all affected patients are currently stable, and there is no need for residents to panic, officials said.
The civic administration said the recent rise needs to be closely monitored. In 2022, Pimpri-Chinchwad recorded 58 swine flu cases, including 34 in August. In 2024, the city reported 15 cases in total.

With large crowds expected during Ganeshotsav, health officials have urged citizens to take basic precautions, including avoiding crowded places as far as possible, wearing masks when necessary and maintaining proper hand hygiene.

Residents experiencing symptoms such as cold, cough or fever have been advised to consult doctors at municipal hospitals and avoid self-medication.

Swine flu, commonly associated with the H1N1 strain of Influenza A, primarily spreads through respiratory droplets released when an infected person coughs or sneezes. It can also spread when a person touches contaminated surfaces and then touches their nose, mouth or nearby areas.

Common symptoms include fever, cold, sore throat, persistent cough, runny nose, headache, watery eyes and extreme fatigue. In some cases, the infection can cause breathing difficulties and pneumonia. Gastrointestinal symptoms such as diarrhoea may also occur.

Civic health officials have advised senior citizens, pregnant women and people with underlying conditions, including diabetes, hypertension, and heart, kidney, liver and respiratory ailments, to take extra precautions.

Anyone experiencing symptoms suggestive of H1N1 infection should avoid close contact with others, stay home or isolate themselves where appropriate, and seek medical advice promptly. Officials have also cautioned citizens against taking medicines without consulting a doctor.

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Nashik, Agency

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray today voiced his support for the ongoing protest by tribal students in Nashik, alleging that the Maharashtra government has failed to address their demands and has responded with delays and evasive assurances.

Speaking to the media here, he said the tribal students were on a hunger strike despite their demands not being difficult to resolve. He said Congress leader Rahul Gandhi had extended support to the protesters a day earlier and alleged that the government had previously made false promises to persuade protesters so they could withdraw their agitation.

He also raised concerns over the poor condition of highways and said the government appeared insensitive to people being forced to sit on hunger strikes.

Commenting on the arrest of social activist Pandit, Thackeray Junior questioned the timing of his arrest and the number of agencies the government is planning to send to his residence.

On the issue of the alleged assault involving Bapat, he said the reasons behind the incident should be examined.
He also raised concerns about highway robberies on the Samruddhi Mahamarg and referred to the alleged abduction of a former IAS officer in Delhi.

The Sena UBT leader alleged that the rules regarding loudspeaker were being applied selectively in certain constituencies and accused the Mahayuti government of using the police machinery for political purposes.

Questioning the change of the CEO of the Ram Temple, he asked why such a change had become necessary and alleged that questions were being raised about alleged irregularities and donation-related issues at the Ram Temple.

Responding to the Hindi language agitation, Thackeray Junior said the Deputy Chief Minister (Eknath Shinde) should clarify the government's stand on the issue.

Thackeray said that members of the Maratha, Dhangar and tribal communities were all staging protests across Maharashtra.

"Protests are taking place in every district because the government is unwilling to resolve people's issues," he said, alleging that consequently, the administrative system had collapsed and that the Chief Minister was not addressing major public concerns.

He further alleged that several farmers were yet to receive the benefits of the promised farm loan waiver.

Thackeray Junior also claimed that the Chief Minister was not in the mood to seek anyone's resignation and was more concerned about political developments in Delhi.
To a query on reopening of Disha Salian death case, he said he had no connection with the Disha Salian case and questioned the purpose of repeatedly commenting on the matter.

He also questioned why Hindu-Muslim disputes and controversies over vegetarian and non-vegetarian issues frequently emerged under BJP-led governments. He claimed that there was currently growing public sentiment against BJP.

Taking a swipe at the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), Thackeray Junior quipped, "SIR means saying 'Yes Sir, Yes Sir' to the BJP."

On potholes in Nashik, he said his party was closely monitoring the pothole situation and would continue to keep track of how long newly constructed roads lasted. He also highlighted the poor condition and numerous potholes on the Mumbai-Goa Highway.

Commenting on a case registered against his cousin and MNS youth leader Amit Thackeray for alleged trespassing, Thackeray Junior questioned why photographs of political leaders were placed alongside images of Maharashtra's revered social reformers and great personalities.

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Chennai, Agency

Amid reports of growing tensions between the ruling TVK and its new found ally, the Congress, over Vijay as  PM face narratives, Tamil Nadu Food and Civil Supplier Minister and TVK Treasurer P.Venkataramanan on Thursday sought to downplay it saying, it was only the wish of some party MLAs and that it was not the official stand of the party.

The tension was palpable as the PM narrative gained momentum, with some TVK Ministers, MLAs and party functionaries pitching for Vijay as the potential PM candidate for the 2029 Lok Sabha polls, the Congress, which was kept in tenterhooks after theTVK Founder and Chief Minister's silence, has been asserting that Rahul Gandhi would be its choice.

Queering the pitch was Tourism Minister and Congress leader Rajesh Kumar, who had warned that both the Ministers--he and Higher Education Minister P.Viswanathan--would resign their posts and wak out of the Vijay Cabinet if TVK did not support Rahul as PM face in 2029.

In this backdrop,TNCC President and Lok Sabha MP Manickam Tagore and party Rajya Sabha MP Praveen Chakravarty, considered the architects of the Congress-TVK alliance, had called on Vijay at the Secretariat in a bid to put an end to the verbal spat between the two parties on the question of PM face.

Amid these developments, in what could be seen as an apparent damage control exercise, the remarks of Minister Venkataramanan assumed significance and could soothen the ruffled feathers of the Congress.

Talking to reporters after launch sale of Onion at Rs 35 kg in a PDS shop as part of lessening the burden of the common man from soaring prices, the Minister said "Only our MLAs are expressing their wish and willingness (that PM is the potential PM face.. Anyone can express their wishes. There is time. In the future, the government led by Vijay will decide and take the right decision when we approach 2029,"
he added.

He clarified that neither the TVK leadership nor its Ministers had announced Vijay as a PM candidate. "None from the TVK top brass
has said anything like that. Portraying Vijay as the PM candidate is the individual views of our Legislators and It is not the official stand of our party," he said.

The Minister said the legislators were projecting CM Vijay with the objective of extending transparent and corruption-free governance across the country. "Our MLAs want this transparent, corruption-free governance to be expanded pan-India and that is why they are projecting CM Vijay as PM".

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Mumbai, Agency

Maharashtra Revenue Minister and Maratha Reservation Cabinet Sub-Committee chairman Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil on Wednesday said the state government was ready to make necessary changes to its draft proposal concerning the demands raised by Maratha activist Manoj Jarange Patil.

Addressing a press conference at Sambhajinagar against the backdrop of Jarange Patil's indefinite hunger strike at Antarwali Sarati, Vikhe Patil said the government had already prepared and forwarded a draft addressing the demands.

He urged Jarange to point out any shortcomings or discrepancies in the proposal so that appropriate amendments could be considered.

Vikhe Patil said the government was keen to resolve the issue through dialogue and expressed concern over Jarange Patil's deteriorating health due to the ongoing fast.

He maintained that the government was making every effort to find a solution to the demands raised by the Maratha community.

The government had earlier indicated its willingness to address several issues, including the implementation of available Kunbi records, facilitating the process of issuing Kunbi certificates, speeding up caste verification, examining the Hyderabad and Satara Gazette-related demands from a legal perspective, and strengthening the administrative mechanism dealing with Maratha reservation.

Meanwhile, government officials, including the Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar district administration and police officials, attempted to meet Jarange Patil at Antarwali Sarati.

However, Jarange reportedly maintained that he would not hold discussions with officials and insisted that a delegation of ministers representing the state government should visit the protest site.

The standoff has kept the dialogue process at a critical juncture.

While the government has sought feedback on its draft and indicated that it is open to modifications, Jarange Patil has insisted on direct talks with the government's representatives.

With the agitation continuing and Jarange Patil's health becoming a matter of concern, pressure is mounting on both sides to reach an acceptable settlement at the earliest.

The next move by the state government and Jarange Patil's response to the draft are expected to determine the course of the agitation.

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Mumbai/Pune, Agency

"A bullet train corridor between Mumbai and Pune will be developed soon," union Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said, highlighting plans to significantly reduce travel time between the two major Maharashtra cities.
Speaking to the media, Vaishnaw stated, "The proposed corridor will make it possible for people to travel between Mumbai and Pune even twice a day, quipping that one could go to Mumbai for vada pav and Pune for bakharwadi."

He added, "The government has been working towards creating faster and more convenient rail connectivity between the two cities."

Vaishnaw also said that, "The government has been expanding railway services during the Ganesh festival."

He recalled that he had promised more than 300 special trains during the elections and said that "350 special trains would be operated this year. If required, another 20 services will be introduced to meet the additional rush."

The Railway Minister highlighted that, "The railway projects worth around Rs 18,000 crore are currently underway in Mumbai and its adjoining areas."

Taking a swipe at the previous Maharashtra government, Vaishnaw alleged that the bullet train project has earlier faced obstruction under the then state Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray. Further, he said, "Work on the project has subsequently gathered pace.

Vaishnaw also announced plans to strengthen connectivity between Mumbai and Hyderabad, saying, "The proposed rail connectivity will eventually enable the journey to be completed in around three-and-a-quarter hours."

On suburban railway services, the minister said, "Work is underway to modernise Mumbai's signalling system. The installation of automatic doors in suburban trains are among the government's priorities."

"The Railway Board has approved 238 new AC local trains for Mumbai," Vaishnaw stated. The first of these trains is expected to arrive in 2027, while the entire fleet is planned to be operational by 2030.

"Mumbai currently has around 3,200 local train services every day. The number will be increased to 3,500," he said. The Railways is also planning to increase the number of 15-car local trains to improve passenger convenience and help ease overcrowding on the city's suburban network.

Furthermore, the proposed expansion of suburban services, modern signalling and introduction of additional AC locals are aimed at making daily travel more comfortable for millions of Mumbai commuters.

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New Delhi, Agency

The Supreme Court on Thursday refused to entertain a PIL challenging restrictions on the entry of outsiders, journalists, YouTubers, social media users and civil society representatives into government schools in Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. The plea also challenged curbs on photography, videography, interviews, audio recording, and livestreaming.

A bench comprising Justices PS Narasimha and Alok Aradhe declined to entertain the plea filed by Priya Mishra, observing, "We are not inclined to entertain the writ petition filed under Article 32 of the Constitution of India."

The petition was filed against the backdrop of the "School Thik Karo" campaign, which seeks to highlight deficiencies in government school infrastructure. It challenged Rajasthan's August 16 circular requiring outsiders to obtain prior permission to enter government schools and to conduct photography, videography, interviews and livestreaming.

In Uttar Pradesh, it challenged an August 19 Ayodhya order barring outsiders, YouTubers and social-media users from entering council schools or taking photographs and videos without permission. Similar directions were issued in several other districts.

The petitioner argued that the restrictions violate fundamental rights under Articles 14, 19, 21 and 21-A, while acknowledging the State's duty to protect children's privacy, dignity and safety.

Ayodhya, Agency

Newly appointed Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Air Marshal ( Retd) Jeetendra Mishra on Thursday attended the first meeting with the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Teerth Kshetra Trust members.

The meeting held at the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi Kshetra camp office, Mandir Nirman Karyashala (Workshop) located at Ramghat, discussed the new administrative system of the Trust.

After the meeting, the newly appointed CEO Air Marshal (Rtd) Jeetendra Mishra told reporters that, "We introduced ourselves to each other in the meeting today and discussed many issues. We will have many more meetings in the future so that I understand the work here completely, and then only I will take charge".

He said,"I am very fortunate that I have got the opportunity to serve Lord Shri Ram and Ram devotees".

Newly appointed trustee Madan Mohan Pandey said discussions were held on different aspects, including the organisation and smooth functioning of the Ram temple. He said responsibilities had not yet been assigned.

The newly appointed CEO of Ram Temple, Air Marshal (Rtd) Mishra, General Secretary Govind Devgiri, Treasurer Mahesh Bhagchand, Trustee Madan Mohan Pandey, along with other Trust members, officers, and employees associated with the accounting system, were present in the meeting.

Air Marshal Mishra reached Ayodhya this morning and had darshan of Ram Lalla before joining the meeting. The first meeting following the change of office-bearers in the Trust is significant, as it is expected to discuss the future course of action regarding the functioning of the temple Trust and its financial arrangements.

After the new office-bearers were introduced to one another, they were briefed on matters related to accounting, the accounting system, and the administrative functioning of the Trust.
The Trust members said that similar meetings will be held in the coming days to outline the new administrative system for the temple and Trust.

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Chandigarh, Agency

A political row has erupted in Punjab over the draft electoral rolls prepared under the Election Commission's Special Intensive Revision (SIR), with BJP Rajya Sabha member Raghav Chadha alleging that his name was wrongly marked as "shifted" and the ruling Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) accusing him of attempting to manipulate his voter registration in Delhi. Chadha, a former AAP leader who joined the BJP, said his voter registration was in Mohali, Punjab, despite which his name had been classified as "shifted" in the draft electoral rolls.

"This is not merely a clerical error. This is a clear case of political vendetta," Chadha said in a post on X, formerly known as Twitter. He said he had initiated the process of filing an objection under the SIR guidelines and noted that the draft rolls were not final. The final electoral rolls are expected to be published in October 2026. Chadha alleged that Punjab government officials had marked and processed his name as "shifted" under pressure from the AAP government. "Who marked me as 'shifted'? An officer of the AAP Punjab government,"

Chadha said, adding that the classification was also confirmed and processed by government officials. He further alleged that officials involved in the electoral process, from booth-level officers (BLOs) to the Chief Electoral Officer, could face transfers and postings controlled by the state government after election-related duties. "Thus, the AAP government uses political pressure through state officials to carry out political vendetta," Chadha alleged.

He also referred to the Election Commission's SIR guidelines, claiming that paragraph 4(d) provides a "protected list" for elected representatives whose names are flagged, including judges, MPs and MLAs. AAP rejected Chadha's allegations and said the SIR exercise was conducted by the Election Commission, not the state government.

"SIR is conducted by the Election Commission, not the state government. Therefore, the Punjab government has no role in deciding whose name will be added to or removed from the voter list," the party said in a post on X. AAP also claimed that Chadha no longer lived in Punjab and said maintaining or transferring his voter registration was his responsibility. The party further alleged that it had received information from Election Commission sources that Chadha was trying to register as a voter in Delhi's Rajinder Nagar through a "backdated process".

"If any such backdated or illegal process has taken place, it should be investigated and the complete truth should be brought before the public," AAP said. The party added that if BJP or anyone else had helped facilitate such an entry, it would pursue the matter "to its logical conclusion". The competing allegations come while the claims and objections process for the draft electoral rolls is under way. Neither side has publicly established the other's allegations as fact, and the final electoral rolls are yet to be published.

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Mumbai, Agency

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis told media persons here on Wednesday that there will be reasons to "worry" if his alliance partner Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde meets "other" leaders in New Delhi, besides the BJP national leadership.

The statement by Fadnavis came exactly a day after Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde flew to New Delhi on Tuesday, supposedly to meet the BJP national leadership.

Fadnavis did not explain or elaborate about what he meant by "other leaders" or the exact nature of his "worry".

During an interaction with media persons, Fadnavis said, "Eknath Shinde goes to Delhi. There, sometimes he meets Prime Minister Narendra Modi and sometimes union Home Minister Amit Shah. This is a matter of joy for us.

"As long as Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde goes to Delhi and meets our leaders, there is no reason to worry. But when Shinde starts meeting leaders of other parties in Delhi, there will be a reason to worry".

Fadnavis said that the country is ruled by a BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government and the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena is a major constituent of the NDA.

"Eknath Shinde is the head of this party. Various meetings are constantly held in Delhi among NDA parties. Leaders of NDA's constituent parties are invited to New Delhi for discussions. Many times, I too do not get invited to such meetings, because such meetings are meant for the heads of the NDA's constituent parties. That is how Eknath Shinde is invited for such meetings in New Delhi," Chief Minister Fadnavis said.

"I would be happy if Eknath Shinde went to Delhi to meet our leaders," Fadnavis said.

When Fadnavis was asked about who is his favourite Hindutva leader among BJP leaders as well as Maharashtra Fisheries & Ports Minister Nitesh Rane, Sangram Jagtap and Mahesh Landge, the Maharashtra CM replied, "All three leaders work for Hindutva. All three of them are heroes of Hindutva".

However, Fadnavis clarified that first of all, it is necessary to understand the basic thoughts while working for Hindutva. "Tolerance holds an important place in Hindutva. Tolerance is the core of Hindutva and it is important to understand this first," Fadnavis said.

Stating that Hindutva is inclusive, Fadnavis also clarified that it should not be misinterpreted. "Inclusiveness does not mean that if someone wrongs us or attacks us, we should not react in any way. It means that we should not attack anyone first. A Hindu is tolerant and should remain tolerant. Tolerance is the jewel of Hindutva".

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Kolhapur/ Satara, Correspondent

A breathtaking display of bloooms was opened to the public as this year's flower season began at the Kaas Plateau in Satara district, renowned as a UNESCO World Natural Heritage Site.

A newly-built souvenir shop, tourist shelter shed, and various development works for tourists on the Kaas Plateau were inaugurated by MP Shrimant Chhatrapati Udayanraje Bhosale on Tuesday.

Various facilities have been developed through the Forest Department with the aim of providing better quality and convenient tourism experience to visitors at the Kaas Plateau, as well as promoting eco-friendly tourism. After inspecting the development works, MP Udayanraje appreciated the initiatives of the Forest Department.

On this occasion, officers and employees of the Forest Department, members of the Kaas Plateau Forest Committee, as well as villagers from six villages in the vicinity of the Kaas Plateau were present.

For the first time, the 'Hirkani' initiative has been started by the tourism management of Kaas Plateau. This initiative was inaugurated by Sitaram Badapure, Chairman of Kaas Plateau Forest Committee. This initiative will be important in terms of convenience and safety of tourists. Although the season has begun, the flower bowls are not yet in bloom on the main plateau. Forest officials informed that the flower bowls will bloom on the main plateau after 15 days.

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New Delhi/Mumbai, Agency

In a political intervention that has set off ripples across New Delhi and Mumbai, Shiv Sena (UBT) MP Sanjay Raut has claimed that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is strongly backing a major transition, pushing to summon Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis to the national capital to take on the mantle of Deputy Prime Minister.

Speaking to the media, Raut alleged that the saffron parivar is laying the groundwork to position a prominent leader from outside Delhi as Prime Minister Narendra Modi's political successor, with Fadnavis emerging as the frontrunner for the high-profile post.

According to Raut, the RSS and core national leadership are orchestrating a move to bring Fadnavis to Delhi.
The design reportedly involves grooming Modi's ultimate successor and vesting them with the Deputy Prime Minister's office.

Launching a direct salvo at union Home Minister Amit Shah, Raut claimed that history dictates no former Home Minister has ever successfully ascended to the prime ministership.
He alleged that while Shah harbours intense ambitions for the top job, severe internal pushback is underway, with several senior ruling-party ministers reportedly issuing an ultimatum to the leadership over potential cabinet reshuffles.

Raut launched a scathing attack on the Centre's economic narrative, questioning the authenticity of soaring GDP figures.
He cynically remarked that distributing free rations to millions and handing out direct cash transfers to women cannot mask deep-rooted inflation, rampant unemployment, and economic distress.

Condemning the recent registration of a sedition-like case against MNS leader Amit Thackeray merely for displaying a photograph of PM Modi, Raut questioned the deteriorating state of democratic accountability and civil liberties.

Lashing out at the ruling faction led by Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, Raut asserted that the core legal question remains whether the anti-defection law was brazenly violated.
He noted the irony of leaders who owe their political survival entirely to the original Shiv Sena constitution now turning around to challenge its legality.

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Sangli, Correspondent

All banks in Sangli district should take timely decisions on loan applications received under government schemes and speed up loan disbursement, said District Collector Dr. Mainak Ghosh. He also directed banks to help applicants complete any missing documents or other requirements in their proposals.

Dr. Ghosh was speaking at a meeting of the District Level Advisory Committee held at the Collector’s Office. He said banks and government departments should improve coordination for the effective implementation of various banking and credit schemes.

He directed banks to process loan applications quickly so that eligible beneficiaries do not face unnecessary delays. He also asked banks to ensure that maximum eligible beneficiaries benefit from schemes for agriculture, MSMEs, self-employment and women’s self-help groups.

The Collector further instructed that meetings of the Taluka Level Bankers’ Committees should be held regularly to identify and resolve problems at the local level.

Dr. Ghosh said banks and government agencies should work together to achieve the targets set under the district’s Annual Credit Plan. Efforts should begin immediately to achieve the annual targets. He also stressed the need to strengthen financial literacy programmes in rural areas to provide citizens with information about banking services, documents required for loan applications and various social security schemes.

The meeting reviewed the progress of various banking schemes, loan disbursement and financial inclusion programmes in the district. A detailed review was taken of the Annual Credit Plan, priority sector lending, agricultural loans, Kisan Credit Cards (KCC), agricultural term loans, MSME loans, credit linkage for women’s self-help groups and loans under government-sponsored schemes.

The meeting also reviewed overdue loans and NPAs, loan recovery, Credit-Deposit (CD) Ratio, loan proposals under welfare schemes of various corporations, Pradhan Mantri Mudra Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana and Atal Pension Yojana.

District Lead Bank Manager Nikhil Sawale, NABARD District Development Manager Nilesh Chaudhary, District Deputy Registrar Sunil Chavan, District Industries Centre Manager Tanaji Khandekar, RSETI Director Mahesh Patil, MSRLM’s Shambhuraje Salunkhe, along with officers from various departments, corporation managers, bank representatives and committee members were present.

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Nashik, Agency

CGP leader Abhijeet Dipke is set to visit the ongoing protest site of tribal students in Nashik on Thursday. The students have been staging a protest for the past 15 days over various issues and demands.

Dipke is expected to visit the hunger strike site in the evening and hold discussions with the protesting students regarding their demands and concerns.

Meanwhile, Aaditya Thackeray is also scheduled to visit the protest site on Thursday and interact with the students.

On Wednesday, Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi met representatives of the tribal student organisation and the protesting students. He discussed their various issues and demands during the meeting.

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Mumbai, Correspondent

The political storm surrounding the tragic fatal aircraft crash of late leader and former Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar has intensified dramatically, with the Congress backing the fierce demands raised by Member of Parliament Supriya Sule.

Senior Congress leader Nana Patole launched a scathing attack on the ruling dispensation, openly accusing the Devendra Fadnavis government of hiding critical information regarding the high-profile accident and questioning the conspicuous silence of the 40 ruling Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) MLAs and 9 ministers aligned with Sunetra Pawar's faction.

Condemning the state administration, leaders have expressed profound anguish that despite a sitting deputy chief minister losing his life in a massive tragedy, local authorities have failed to register a formal First Information Report. Following persistent questions raised by MP Supriya Sule and MLA Rohit Pawar-who even pursued a 'Zero FIR' outside the state-the Congress has stepped in to amplify demands for a transparent, time-bound judicial or independent inquiry.

Patole cast strong suspicion over the ruling faction's lawmakers, pointing out that despite being part of the government coalition, none of the 40 MLAs or 9 ministers have uttered a single word or demanded a formal police probe into the incident.

Scathing Critique on National Economic Claims

Shifting focus to national politics, Nana Patole heavily criticized Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent celebratory claims regarding India's robust GDP growth touching 7.8 per cent. Dismissing the official data as misleading optics thrown at citizens, Patole challenged the narrative by asking how an economy touted as globally supreme could coexist with skyrocketing inflation, unyielding unemployment, and distress-driven farmer suicides across the country.

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By Prof Ujjwal K Chowdhury

Blurb. A mountain of ice and rock collapsed into a Himalayan headwater and sent a wall of debris through Nepal’s Bhote Koshi–Trishuli corridor. The calamity exposed a cruel climate injustice—and the deadly cost of concentrating homes, roads, hydropower and public institutions in a river’s path.

Evidence cut-off: 30 August 2026. All casualty, missing-person, rescue and damage figures remain provisional and must be read with their stated cut-off.

Summary: A disaster Nepal did not cause—but must now learn to survive

Nepal is a low-emission, forest-rich nation living beneath a rapidly destabilising Himalayan cryosphere. The 26 August 2026 flood in Rasuwa appears not to have been a conventional glacial-lake outburst alone, but a cascade: a huge ice-and-rock mass fell into the Lhende valley, probably blocked a headwater temporarily, and released a violent debris flood into the Bhote Koshi and Trishuli systems. Climate warming loaded the background risk; narrow valleys accelerated the surge; and human settlement, hydropower concentration, fragile roads, riverbed disturbance and weak land-use enforcement multiplied the losses.

At the evidence cut-off, Nepal had reported 675 confirmed deaths, 2,498 people missing or unaccounted for, more than 3,700 rescues and roughly 93,000 people affected. Damage to roads, bridges, schools, health facilities, border infrastructure and power projects has made this a national systems crisis, not merely a local flood. The new government’s mobilisation saved lives, but shortages of specialised equipment and resilient local command capacity were stark. The central lesson from both this flood and the 2015 earthquake is uncompromising: Nepal must not simply rebuild stronger structures; it must stop rebuilding critical exposure in places no ordinary structure can survive.

Keywords: Nepal floods; Bhote Koshi; Trishuli; Rasuwa; Himalayan cryosphere; glacier collapse; glacial-lake outburst flood; climate adaptation; hydropower risk; managed retreat; disaster governance; resilient reconstruction; 2015 Gorkha earthquake; Himalayan Resilience Mission.

Hashtags: #NepalFloods #HimalayanCrisis #ClimateJustice #BhoteKoshi #Trishuli #GLOF #DisasterResilience #BuildBackSafer #ManagedRetreat #HimalayanResilience

The morning a mountain entered the river

Nepal did not create the climate crisis now remaking the Himalaya. Through community forestry, it has raised forest cover to an officially estimated 46 per cent, while its carbon emissions per person remain a fraction of the global average. Yet at about 8:40 on the morning of 26 August 2026, the country became the downstream victim of a mountain system changing faster than its scientific surveillance, settlement planning and infrastructure could safely accommodate.

A violent surge entered the Bhote Koshi river system in Rasuwa. This was not an ordinary monsoon flood, carrying only swollen water and silt. Ice, fractured rock, boulders, soil and pulverised debris rushed down together. Timure, Syabrubesi and nearby settlements were struck first. The flood then drove into the Trishuli and farther downstream, erasing roads, bridges, hydropower sites, markets, public offices, vehicles and homes within minutes.

“Only my body survived.” — Kanchi Nepali, flood survivor

That sentence captures the human scale of the calamity. It also points to its central public-policy truth. The initial mountain collapse may not have been preventable, but the scale of exposure was not inevitable. Nepal’s ecological values did not fail. Its risk maps, land-use discipline, warning reach, infrastructure standards, emergency equipment and institutional redundancy did.

Not one GLOF, but a chain reaction

Early reports described the event as a glacial-lake outburst flood, or GLOF. The term is understandable, because the final catastrophe behaved like a sudden high-mountain outburst. But the strongest preliminary evidence describes something more complex: a cascading failure of glacier, rock, slope, river and temporary natural dam.

Satellite analysis indicated that a mass of glacier and supporting rock, roughly 600 metres wide, detached near the Langtang Lirung area at an elevation of about 5,200 metres. It fell approximately 1,200 metres into the Lhende valley. The United States Geological Survey initially detected what resembled an earthquake, then concluded that the collapse itself had generated a seismic signal equivalent to magnitude 5.2. The shaking was therefore an effect of the enormous fall, not evidence of a tectonic trigger.

The mass transformed into an ice-rock avalanche. It struck or choked the Lhende Khola, a transboundary headwater running through the Nepal–Tibet border region, and appears to have created a short-lived natural dam. Water accumulated behind the obstruction; the blockage failed; and a high-speed slurry of water, ice, rock and sediment roared into the valley. Scientists are still testing the exact sequence, volume and time between blockage and breach.

This distinction is not academic. A conventional GLOF programme watches known lakes. The Rasuwa disaster shows that a hanging glacier, collapsing bedrock, thawing permafrost or a temporary debris dam can produce a comparable or even more violent flood where no permanent lake has been classified as dangerous. Nepal must therefore graduate from lake monitoring to whole-mountain surveillance.

The valley’s geometry amplified the force. The Himalaya is geologically young, fractured and steep. Rivers plunge through narrow gorges instead of dissipating across broad floodplains. Boulders make the flow behave less like water and more like wet concrete. A blocked channel stores energy; its failure releases a second shock. The mass deposited in one bend can redirect the river across ground that residents had long considered dry and safe.

The event also defeated the assumptions of rainfall-based forecasting. A Nepali technical account reported that the Syabrubesi gauge stopped transmitting at 8:50 a.m.; the Flood Forecasting Division learned at 9:05 a.m. that a large surge had entered from Tibet and sent more than 600,000 SMS alerts at about 9:15–9:16 a.m. Those messages helped people farther downstream, but the upper corridor had almost no usable warning time. In a steep Himalayan basin, ten minutes may separate an evacuation from a mass casualty event.

A green country beneath a warming “Third Pole”

It is too early to claim global heating as the single, courtroom-proven trigger of this particular collapse. Scientists have not eliminated every immediate mechanism. It would, however, be equally misleading to treat the event as an isolated accident in an otherwise stable mountain system.

Warming thins glaciers and changes the pressure they exert on supporting rock. Meltwater penetrates cracks. Freeze-thaw cycles shift. High-altitude permafrost—the frozen “glue” binding some mountain material—weakens. As glaciers retreat, steep rock faces can lose physical support. Rain falling at elevations where snow once accumulated adds liquid water and weight to slopes already approaching failure.

The regional signal is unmistakable. ICIMOD reported that glacier loss across the Hindu Kush Himalaya accelerated by 65 per cent in the 2010s compared with the preceding decade. A 2026 assessment found that the region’s glacier area had contracted by 12 per cent between 1990 and 2020. The cryosphere is not merely shrinking. Its failure modes are changing, and yesterday’s hazard inventory is no longer an adequate guide to tomorrow’s disaster.

Nepal thus faces a profound climate injustice. Nature-friendly practice reduces its contribution to planetary damage, but cannot shield Nepali valleys from heat accumulated largely elsewhere. The response must operate on two levels at once: much stronger adaptation and accountability at home, and a far more forceful international claim for grant-based adaptation, loss-and-damage support and shared Himalayan science.

How a development corridor became a disaster corridor

Human beings did not make the glacier fall. Human decisions did place more people, livelihoods and strategic assets directly in its path.

Homes built where flat land—and safety—were scarce

Mountain valleys offer little level ground. Homes, hotels, markets, schools, truck parks, customs facilities, roads and power projects naturally cluster on river terraces. Over two decades, the Bhote Koshi–Trishuli corridor became an economic spine connecting Kathmandu with Rasuwagadhi and Tibet. Concentration seemed efficient in ordinary times; during an extraordinary debris flood, it became concentrated exposure.

This is why the housing debate cannot stop at whether a dwelling was made of mud, stone, brick or reinforced concrete. Traditional masonry and lightly engineered concrete are vulnerable to scour, saturation, lateral pressure and boulder impact. But no ordinary house can be designed to withstand a fast, multi-metre debris surge at close range. In the most dangerous corridor, safer construction does not mean a stronger wall. It means no permanent construction at all.

The legacy of the 2015 earthquake deepened the vulnerability. CARE reported, on information from local partners, that hundreds of families displaced by that earthquake had resettled along low banks of the Trishuli, and that a community of about 250 households was swept away. The claim had not yet been independently incorporated into the government’s consolidated damage assessment at the evidence cut-off and must remain provisional. Even so, it raises a devastating question: did one recovery programme move vulnerable people into the path of the next hazard?

Hydropower placed workers and national capacity in one line of fire

Nepal’s hydropower strategy has located operating plants, construction camps, tunnel portals, substations, access roads and worker accommodation along confined river valleys. CARE’s initial assessment identified 14 hydropower and solar projects, with a combined capacity of about 748 MW, as affected. Reuters reported that the damaged power projects represented more than 12 per cent of Nepal’s national generating capacity.

The flood was therefore both a humanitarian calamity and an energy-system shock. Hundreds of hydropower workers were listed as missing. More than 100 people were believed trapped in a mud-filled tunnel at the Upper Trishuli-1 site as rescue efforts entered their fourth day. The image of rescuers entering darkness with inadequate equipment distilled the cost of locating labour, machinery and strategic capacity in the same narrow zone of extreme risk.

The deeper failure was cumulative assessment. A single plant can look acceptable when studied project by project. Fourteen energy projects, multiple worker camps, roads, bridges and substations in one basin can fail together. Environmental clearance must therefore consider the whole river system and the consequences of simultaneous breakdown—not only the footprint of each individual licence.

Roads cut fast, slopes left fragile

Nepal’s “excavator-led development” has often carved roads quickly into steep slopes without adequate drainage, retaining structures or safe spoil disposal. Unregulated crusher operations, riverbed extraction and dumping of excavated muck can raise or divert channels and destabilise banks. None of these activities caused the high-altitude collapse. They can, however, intensify local erosion, add debris, trigger secondary slides and destroy the access routes needed by rescuers.

Development is not the enemy. Development that ignores geomorphology is. A road that collapses in every extreme event is not cheap infrastructure; it is deferred public loss. A bridge designed only for water level, and not for boulder-laden debris, is not resilient. Spoil dumped over a slope or into a channel is not disposal; it is material pre-positioned for the next flood.

When local government itself became a casualty

Federalism put municipalities and wards on the front line of disaster response. In Rasuwa and Nuwakot, municipal buildings, ward offices, public records, electricity and communications were lost, while elected representatives and employees were counted among the missing. The institutions expected to map needs, certify losses, release funds and organise shelter became victims of the same flood.

This exposed a critical design flaw. Response authority was decentralised, but redundant communications, off-site data backups, mobile command posts and deployable engineering capacity were not decentralised with it. A local government cannot remain the first responder if the destruction of one building also destroys its records, radios and ability to act.

The human ledger is vast—and still unfinished

Every early disaster count is a moving target. Missing-person lists may contain duplicate names. People cut off by failed communications may later re-establish contact. Bodies and fragments carried far downstream complicate identification. Rescue figures issued by different agencies at different cut-offs cannot simply be added together. With those cautions, the strongest available snapshot by 30 August was nevertheless staggering.

Nepal had recorded 675 confirmed deaths and 2,498 people missing or unaccounted for. The cross-border toll stood at 691 deaths, including 16 in Tibet, and 3,044 missing, including 546 in Tibet. The latest Associated Press account reported more than 3,700 people rescued in Nepal, while IFRC estimated that about 93,000 people had been affected. At least 17,000 children needed urgent assistance. These are not final figures; they are a minimum portrait of national grief.

The physical damage is immense, but no reliable consolidated price existed at the cut-off. Early accounts identified about 40 kilometres of major road destroyed, at least 19 motorable bridges and dozens of suspension bridges lost, devastated customs and security infrastructure, hundreds of vehicles swept away and multiple energy projects damaged. Eighteen schools were destroyed and another 20 damaged, leaving an estimated 10,000 school-age children needing support to continue learning. Health authorities reported three health posts completely damaged, one hospital partly damaged and access to two hospitals disrupted.

No trustworthy national total for homes lost was yet available. Nor should a financing estimate be confused with an audited loss assessment. Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle said Nepal might require US$4–5 billion to rebuild—close to one-tenth of the economy—while clearly warning that assessment work was continuing.

“This is just an estimate. Loss and damage is being assessed.” — Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle

That caution should govern all public communication. A disaster dashboard must distinguish confirmed from provisional figures; Nepal from the cross-border picture; people missing from people feared trapped; money pledged from money received; and financial need from verified physical loss.

Balen Shah’s first trial by catastrophe

Prime Minister Balendra “Balen” Shah took office on 27 March 2026 after the Rastriya Swatantra Party won 182 of 275 seats in the lower house. The mandate emerged from the 2025 Gen Z upheaval and rested on promises of competence, clean administration, jobs and a break with old patronage politics. Five months later, the Himalayan flood became the new government’s first existential test.

The state moved quickly on several fronts. The Nepal Army, Armed Police Force, Nepal Police, national disaster authority, health emergency system, provincial and local administrations, helicopters, drones and medical services were mobilised. Downstream alerts were issued; relief centres opened; tracing support was provided to Nepali and foreign families; DNA evidence was preserved before unidentified bodies were buried; and rivers and newly formed barrier lakes were placed under observation.

These actions saved thousands of lives. Helicopters bypassed broken roads. Warnings enabled evacuation downstream. By 29 August, more than NPR 5.44 billion and a further US$1.88 million had reportedly reached official relief accounts. The cabinet committed one month’s salary and began preparing a rehabilitation package.

But the response also exposed the distance between digital aspiration and physical capacity. Agencies deployed dashboards, portals, GIS maps, drones and AI-supported data work, while field footage showed soldiers searching a dark, mud-filled hydropower tunnel with phone lights. Nepali reporting described shortages of heavy breaching equipment, satellite communications, payload drones and specialised tunnel-rescue machinery. Technology is not resilience if the data platform is modern but the rescue team lacks the tools to reach a trapped worker.

The government initially restricted foreign search-and-rescue deployments, arguing that its own forces could manage and seeking to avoid the coordination congestion experienced after the 2015 earthquake. It later asked for defined specialist support in tunnel rescue, survivor detection, forensics and DNA, mortuary refrigeration, communications restoration and modular bridges. Moving from open-ended aid to a precise needs list was sensible; waiting during a narrow survival window nevertheless drew criticism. At the cut-off there was no evidence that the delay caused a specific death, and it should not be claimed otherwise.

The world answered—but a pledge is not a result

International support arrived from multiple directions. India delivered more than 57 tonnes of relief supplies and sent an 11-member tunnel-reconnaissance team. China provided tunnel specialists and emergency goods, while Japan supplied tents and blankets. South Korea deployed a response team and pledged US$1 million. The United Kingdom announced £5 million and a consular rapid-response team; Australia announced A$5 million; and the European Union allocated €2 million and activated satellite mapping. WHO sent medical supplies, UNICEF sought US$17.2 million, IFRC released nearly CHF1 million and launched a CHF25 million appeal, and the World Bank discussed possible emergency assistance of NPR 25 billion.

This support expanded airlift, shelter, health, mapping and specialist capacity. Yet delivered goods, money deposited, expertise deployed, assistance offered, humanitarian appeals and loans under discussion are fundamentally different categories. Nepal should publish each separately. The world’s compassion will be measured not by the largest headline in the first week, but by what reaches bereaved families, displaced communities and damaged municipalities before the next monsoon.

2015 and 2026: two disasters, one unfinished lesson

The 2015 Gorkha earthquake was broader and deadlier. Its magnitude-7.8 main shock and major aftershock killed 8,970 people, injured more than 22,000, affected about eight million and destroyed or badly damaged more than 755,000 homes. Physical damage was assessed at about US$7 billion, while recovery needs reached US$6.7 billion—roughly 30 per cent of GDP.

The 2026 flood has so far killed fewer people, but its damage is intensely concentrated along a strategic, transboundary river corridor. It simultaneously struck energy, trade, tourism, transport, public administration and border connectivity. The earthquake produced aftershocks and landslides; this flood leaves unstable slopes, altered channels and possible barrier lakes capable of triggering new surges. The 2015 engineering lesson was to make structures resist shaking. The 2026 spatial lesson is to keep permanent settlement and critical systems away from extreme debris corridors and to design risk at basin scale.

The contrast in relief is equally instructive. After the earthquake, a huge international influx strengthened medical and humanitarian response but strained logistics and coordination. In 2026, Nepal exerted greater national control and sought more selective foreign technical help. The right model lies between chaotic oversupply and defensive hesitation: sovereign coordination, a transparent needs list and immediate acceptance of capabilities that Nepal demonstrably lacks.

Reconstruction after 2015 began badly. Political conflict delayed a functioning National Reconstruction Authority until 25 December 2015, eight months after the main shock. A border crisis restricted fuel and construction materials. Survivors endured monsoon and winter in temporary shelters while policy, beneficiary lists and housing grants stalled.

The later record was considerably better. Nepal’s owner-driven model paid household grants in stages, connected disbursement to safer construction and added technical inspection and grievance systems. The national programme eventually produced more than 700,000 earthquake-resilient houses; a World Bank-supported component accounted for more than 300,000. Nearly all schools and public buildings were later reported rebuilt to improved standards, and rural housing recovery approached 95 per cent by the tenth anniversary, although urban disputes and exclusion persisted.

The equity failure must not be forgotten. Landless people, tenants, low-caste families, single women, older persons and people with disabilities struggled disproportionately to prove eligibility, secure land or manage construction. The Asia Foundation documented the experience of a landless Dalit widow who remained in temporary housing for five years. National recovery averages can hide the people recovery leaves behind.

Five lessons from 2015 therefore run through every decision in 2026. Stable coordination must be established before another construction season is lost. Households should lead their recovery, but must not be left to carry engineering risk alone. Tenants, informal occupants and landless families must be eligible from the beginning. International aid should be controlled through a public needs list. And Nepal must never rebuild only for the last hazard: an earthquake-resistant house placed in a debris-flow red zone is not a safe house.

The next year: grief, pressure—and political judgment

The social consequences will outlast the television images. Families must endure ambiguous loss while identification continues. Missing-person cases will create disputes over death certificates, compensation, inheritance and land. Displaced children risk losing months of schooling. Crowded shelters and disrupted livelihoods can increase risks of trafficking, exploitation and violence, particularly for women and children. If relocation sites separate people from farms, markets, schools, tourism and transport, economic necessity will drive many families back to the river.

The economic impact will spread well beyond Rasuwa. Emergency expenditure and reconstruction will strain the national budget. Damaged hydropower may reduce electricity exports or force seasonal imports. Disruption on the Rasuwagadhi–Gyirong route will raise logistics costs, while trekking and pilgrimage cancellations will hit local income. Insurers and lenders may price hydropower and mountain infrastructure more cautiously.

Yet a well-designed recovery can become a growth strategy. Demand will rise for resilient engineering, safer materials, satellite and GIS services, river restoration, distributed renewable energy, microgrids, tunnel safety and trained construction labour. If procurement is transparent and local, reconstruction can create jobs rather than merely import equipment and debt.

Politically, the Shah government may emerge stronger if it publishes every rupee received, every contract awarded, every beneficiary selected and every milestone completed. If compensation becomes partisan, procurement opaque or relocation coercive, the same youth constituency that demanded political change in 2025 may turn against the new administration. No-construction zones will inevitably confront landowners, contractors, quarry operators, hydropower interests and political networks; the government will need law, evidence, compensation and public consent—not slogans alone.

Diplomatically, disaster management will move to the centre of Nepal’s balancing relationship with China and India. China controls access to essential upstream territory and data. India is indispensable for downstream coordination, logistics, modular bridges, energy balancing and flood alerts. This calamity gives Kathmandu both the necessity and the moral authority to seek a standing trilateral Himalayan warning and response mechanism.

Twenty actions for a safer Nepal

Nepal should not reduce this recovery to a collection of replacement contracts. It needs a ten-year Himalayan Resilience Mission, backed by law and launched through a first-year compact that assigns duties to the state, citizens and the international community.

What the Nepal government must do

1. Create one public source of truth. The federal government should publish a reconciled, time-stamped dashboard for deaths, missing people, rescues, affected families, physical damage, aid received, funds spent, contracts and reconstruction progress. Categories and cut-off times must be explicit so that numbers cannot be inflated, added twice or manipulated politically.
2. Give every missing person and family a legal pathway. A unified identification and tracing command should connect DNA collection, hospitals, mortuaries, police records and cross-border information. Fast legal procedures must address presumptive death, compensation, inheritance, guardianship and replacement of lost documents, while protecting families from fraud.
3. Map the whole mountain, not only known lakes. Nepal should combine optical and radar satellites, InSAR slope monitoring, seismic and acoustic avalanche detection, high-altitude cameras, field geology and local observation to identify hanging glaciers, unstable rock faces, thawing permafrost, temporary dams and altered channels.
4. Freeze unsafe rebuilding before concrete returns. A rapid red-amber-green zoning exercise should precede every permanent reconstruction approval. Red zones need an immediate construction moratorium; amber zones require site-specific engineering and evacuation plans; green zones should receive faster permits and infrastructure support.
5. Use managed retreat, never forced eviction. Families leaving extreme-risk areas must receive replacement land with secure title, fair compensation for structures and livelihoods, rental support during transition, and relocation as functioning communities with schools, health care, markets, transport and cultural continuity. Tenants, informal occupants and landless people must qualify.
6. Make local government disaster-proof. Every exposed municipality should have cloud-backed records, satellite communications, portable power, a mobile command post and access to regional equipment banks. Authority must travel with capability so that the destruction of a ward office does not paralyse relief.
7. Put hydropower safety on a basin scale. All affected tunnels, headworks, substations, camps and access roads must be independently audited before reopening. Future approvals should require cumulative basin assessments, worker housing outside extreme floodways, tunnel refuges and escape routes, emergency power and communications, insurance and dedicated disaster reserves.
8. Rewrite road, bridge and extraction rules for debris. New standards must consider boulder impact, scour and channel migration, with greater bridge clearance, replaceable spans, robust drainage, safe spoil sites, bioengineered slopes and independent material testing. Unscientific riverbed mining and dumping into valleys must be stopped and penalised.
9. Automate warnings across every last mile. Redundant river gauges, sirens, radio, cell broadcast, satellite fallback and community messengers should be connected so verified thresholds can trigger downstream warnings without waiting for a slow chain of approvals. Schools, hotels, trekking routes, work camps and border posts need regular drills.
10. Build an accountable recovery authority quickly. Nepal should avoid the eight-month institutional delay that followed the 2015 earthquake. A time-bound authority or empowered mission unit must include federal, provincial and local government, independent engineers, affected communities and civil society, with open procurement, grievance redress and public audits.

What Nepal’s people, institutions and private sector must do

11. Turn every exposed community into a warning network. Residents should map elderly people, children, persons with disabilities, safe routes, high ground, shelters and transport assets. Local volunteers need first-aid, search, radio and evacuation training, with women and young people in leadership rather than treated only as beneficiaries.
12. Refuse the dangerous return to business as usual. Citizens, builders and local leaders must respect red zones and resist rebuilding on familiar but lethal river terraces. Community consent is essential, but consent must be informed by accessible hazard maps and paired with genuine land and livelihood alternatives.
13. Make citizen science part of national science. Mountain residents, guides, hydropower workers, farmers and schools can report new cracks, unusual river colour, falling water levels, booming sounds, ice movement and blocked channels through verified local protocols. Their observations should feed—not replace—professional monitoring.
14. Protect dignity and inclusion throughout relief. Community groups, media and civil society should monitor aid distribution, shelter safety and exclusion. Dalits, Indigenous communities, tenants, migrants, single women, older people and people with disabilities must be represented in beneficiary verification and relocation decisions.
15. Convert reconstruction into a resilience workforce. Universities, technical institutes, businesses and municipalities should train young Nepalis as resilient masons, bridge technicians, GIS operators, drone pilots, glacier-monitoring assistants, tunnel rescuers, solar and microgrid technicians, community educators and bioengineering crews. Procurement should favour competent local firms, women-led enterprises and affected districts.

What the world community must do with Nepal

16. Send capabilities, not merely consignments. International partners should respond to Nepal’s published needs with specialised tunnel rescue, survivor detection, heavy breaching tools, payload drones, satellite communications, modular bridges, forensic support and mortuary capacity. Equipment must include training, maintenance and local ownership after the emergency.
17. Finance adaptation as climate justice, not a debt trap. Donors, multilateral banks and climate funds should prioritise grants and deeply concessional finance, including Green Climate Fund and loss-and-damage resources. Nepal should ring-fence at least 20–25 per cent of reconstruction spending for risk reduction, supported by hydropower royalties, disaster insurance and a transparent diaspora resilience bond.
18. Create a Nepal–China–India headwater protocol. The three countries should establish continuous upstream data exchange, common alert language, direct links among technical agencies and border posts, shared satellite imagery, automatic transboundary warnings and annual joint exercises. Rivers and glaciers cannot wait for diplomatic notes.
19. Build an open Himalayan science commons. Space agencies, universities, ICIMOD, development partners and Nepali institutions should share high-resolution imagery, glacier inventories, slope data, models and field research in usable formats. Long-term funding must develop Nepali scientists and monitoring capacity instead of creating permanent dependence on foreign analysis.
20. Stay for the decade, and measure outcomes. Humanitarian attention should not disappear when rescue ends. Partners must support safe housing, schools, health systems, energy diversification, microgrids, resilient tourism and watershed restoration through the next monsoons. Success should be judged by reduced exposure, restored livelihoods and lives protected—not by money pledged or kilometres rebuilt.

Rebuild the nation, not the next disaster

The 2015 earthquake taught Nepal how to construct walls that shake less. The 2026 flood must teach the country where not to build, how to watch an entire mountain, and how to protect power, roads, communications, government and communities when one valley fails.

The wrong recovery would replace a washed-away bridge at the same height, rebuild a camp beside the same tunnel portal and move a landless family to the nearest available river terrace. It would count expenditure as achievement and convert reconstruction finance into the next catastrophe.

The better recovery would create safer settlements, modern mountain science, a skilled resilience workforce, diversified energy, accountable government and a regional warning compact. Nepal cannot stabilise the global climate on its own. But with justice from abroad and courage at home, it can become the world’s leading laboratory for climate-resilient Himalayan development.

Build back safer—and, where necessary, build somewhere else.

000

By Prof Ujjwal K. Chowdhury

THE PROPOSITION

Arunachal Pradesh does not have to choose between poverty and peril. It has to choose whether its rivers, forests and cultures will be treated primarily as national inputs, or as the living capital of a safer, higher-value local economy. The glacier-and-rock collapse reported in Nepal, the warning from Sikkim and Arunachal's own contested hydropower trajectory make that choice urgent.

The Himalayas do not announce a disaster only when a dam breaks. They announce it through a spring that disappears after a tunnel is drilled, a road that slips every monsoon, a river whose sediment no longer reaches downstream fields, a village whose consent is counted only after the map is final. Arunachal Pradesh is at the point where these signals have to become policy.

The mountain is not an empty balance sheet

The most important fact about Arunachal Pradesh is also the fact most development plans suppress: it is a young mountain system still being made. Steep slopes, fractured rock, intense monsoon rainfall, active faults, fragile soils and a changing cryosphere respond to every road cut, tunnel, quarry, reservoir, settlement and drainage alteration.

The three Counterview articles place this reality beside the August 26, 2026 glacier-and-rock collapse reported along the Nepal-Tibet border. A high-mountain failure became a debris flow, flood, infrastructure destroyer and humanitarian crisis downstream. The trigger was geological and cryospheric; the scale of loss was shaped by what had been built in the path of risk. Climate change changed the structure of risk by weakening ice, destabilising slopes, altering rainfall and making old design assumptions unreliable.

Arunachal shares the conditions that make the Nepal event a warning: high seismicity, steep river valleys, expanding glacial lakes, cloudbursts, landslides and difficult emergency access. It has also experienced its own cloudbursts, road failures and district isolations. A road celebrated at inauguration but not maintained through the monsoon is not durable connectivity. A dam that multiplies a debris surge is not automatically a resilience asset.

The question, therefore, cannot remain: how quickly can Arunachal add megawatts, kilometres of road and concrete? It must become: developed for whom, with what exposure, and at what price to the families who will live on these slopes fifty years from now?

When infrastructure becomes exposure

For two decades, Arunachal's development story has been narrowed into a familiar template: large hydropower projects for the national grid, strategic roads across unstable terrain, tunnelling through mountains and the rapid conversion of rivers into infrastructure corridors. The needs are genuine - roads, hospitals, schools, communications, jobs, energy and border security. But genuine needs do not make every engineering response wise.

Upper Siang and Etalin are the clearest tests of that wisdom. The proposed Siang Upper Multipurpose Project, often described as an approximately 11,000 MW project, and the 3,097 MW Etalin project in the Dibang basin sit in landscapes that are seismically active, biodiverse and socially sensitive. Their proponents may present national power, flood moderation or strategic value; critics see high-consequence exposure in valleys where evacuation, rescue and compensation would be extraordinarily difficult.

Project-by-project clearance is not enough when the river basin is the real unit of impact. A dam, access road, transmission corridor, tunnel, quarry and downstream cascade operate as one system. Blasting disturbs slopes and springs; hill-cutting changes drainage; a landslide can block a river, send an impulse wave into a reservoir or sever a village road. A GLOF or debris flow can breach a large structure and magnify the downstream disaster. Tofu-dreg infrastructure - built too quickly or cheaply for its setting - is a governance warning.

The ecological bill is equally serious. Reservoirs submerge forests, fragment habitat, trap sediment and alter fisheries, riverine agriculture and downstream geomorphology. High-head barriers obstruct migratory fish; decaying biomass can release greenhouse gases. A centralised plant is also a single point of failure: if its powerhouse, transmission line or bridge is cut, the distant grid and the local community may lose power together.

Sikkim offers a caution that Arunachal should not dismiss. The third Counterview article notes that the National Remote Sensing Centre assessed a 42 per cent probability of a South Lhonak Lake breach in 2013. On October 3-4, 2023, the lake breached; the Teesta III dam at Chungthang was destroyed, 55 people died, 74 went missing, more than 7,000 people from 1,756 families lost their homes, and thousands of houses were damaged across Sikkim. The reported proposal to rebuild at the same location, with a structure almost twice as high, illustrates the danger of treating a known risk as a reason for taller concrete rather than better land-use decisions.

The missing people in the numbers

The Upper Siang debate reveals why displacement cannot be reduced to a compensation spreadsheet. Project-side accounts cited in the dossier speak of around 16 villages and roughly 10,000 people directly affected. Community organisations and researchers speak of at least 27 villages, a 40-300 village impact zone and more than 150,000 people, depending on whether farmland, forest access, fisheries, grazing, sacred sites and downstream livelihoods count. The disagreement asks who is visible to the state.

For the Adi people, the Siang is not an empty channel with a calculable flow. Ane Siang, the Mother Siang, is a cultural and ecological relationship. A village contains homes, terraces, orchards, fishing grounds, mithun routes, burial places, ritual spaces, memories and kinship networks. A resettlement colony can reproduce houses, not a river's meaning or the social geography through which knowledge travels. Compensation cannot restore a place-based civilisation.

Etalin presents a smaller numerical footprint with the same principle. Project documents cited in the dossier indicate about 265 families in eight affected villages, with around 95 families facing involuntary displacement, while the project requires diversion of roughly 1,175 hectares of forest land. The project's environmental clearance has also faced legal challenge. Whether one supports or opposes the project, the lesson is clear: the burden of proof must rise when the cost is irreversible.

Indigenous resistance to Upper Siang and Etalin is not an obstacle that publicity can remove. Adi institutions, farmers' forums, youth groups and human-rights advocates question consent, cultural survival, safety and benefit-sharing. Some affected families and village groups support the projects for expected flood protection or economic opportunity. That diversity makes independent deliberation essential. A signature after the design is fixed is not free, prior and informed consent.

WHAT THE UPPER SIANG NUMBERS REVEAL

Official or project-side accounts cited in the dossier: about 16 villages and roughly 10,000 people directly affected. Community and civil-society accounts: at least 27 villages, a wider 40-300 village impact zone and more than 150,000 people. The gap is not a licence to choose the largest figure; it is evidence that the definition of 'affected' must include land, forests, rivers, culture and downstream livelihoods.

A moratorium is a responsibility, not a rejection of development

Arunachal should declare a time-bound moratorium on new large storage dams and high-risk cascades in the most vulnerable basins. This would create space for independent, cumulative assessments that model earthquakes, GLOFs, landslide impulse waves, sediment, extreme rainfall, upstream operations and failure of roads and communications together.

The state needs a public hazard atlas. No-go zones should cover the highest landslide and GLOF susceptibility areas, irreplaceable biodiversity corridors and sites where evacuation is implausible. Low-no zones should permit only light, reversible or strictly conditioned activity. Settlements and critical assets already at risk need voluntary relocation or retrofitting, with land, services, transport and livelihoods planned together.

Early warning is a social system, not a dashboard. Satellite and AI tools, weather radar, rain gauges, glacial-lake sensors, river gauges and slope monitors matter only if a village receives a clear alert, knows the safe route and practises the drill. Data-sharing across the India-Bhutan-China-Nepal Himalayan arc should be pursued wherever diplomacy allows.

Roads and bridges should follow mountain behaviour: drainage first, slope bioengineering, vegetation reinforcement, controlled spoil disposal, spring protection, geotechnical inspection and dedicated maintenance. Vetiver, alder, bamboo and hydroseeding should complement engineering. The most strategic road may be the one that remains open and repairable, not the widest on inauguration day.

Quality of life is the unit of progress

A safer development model must answer everyday questions: can a child study during a monsoon outage, can a pregnant woman reach care, can a farmer sell without distress, can an elder remain in a familiar community, can a young person earn without leaving, and can a family sleep without fearing the next slope failure? These are the real measures of resilience.

1. A safe home is infrastructure: Retrofit vulnerable homes and support voluntary, culturally appropriate relocation from the highest-risk zones. Promote earthquake-resilient construction using bamboo, cane, timber and local design knowledge wherever technically suitable.
2. A reachable service is development: Combine district hospitals with telemedicine, mobile health units, emergency transport protocols and digital classrooms, so people need not be concentrated in unsafe places simply to reach a service.
3. A maintained road is better than a grand road: Use geotechnical routing, drainage, bioengineering and slope monitoring. Limit widening, protect springs and accept seasonal or low-capacity routes where necessary. Budget maintenance as a core asset, not a post-disaster appeal.
4. Local energy is strategic energy: Combine safe micro-hydro, rooftop solar, storage and islandable microgrids so border villages, schools, clinics, communication nodes and emergency centres remain powered when landslides cut the main line.

Tourism that pays the village

The alternative to mega-project dependence is an economy that earns more from each unit of landscape without consuming it. Tourism can be a pillar, but Arunachal should avoid the familiar sequence in which roads arrive, hotels multiply, waste and water stress follow, and the host community receives the least value.

Build high-value, low-density tourism around certified homestay clusters and community lodges regulated by village institutions or Kebangs. Publish carrying-capacity studies before scaling visitors, and use permits, seasonal quotas and route zoning for high-altitude lakes, glacial passes, sacred sites and wildlife corridors. Access must fit slope stability, water availability, cultural dignity and emergency capacity.

The product should be experiential: Eaglenest birding, alpine botany, high-altitude treks, monastery and living-heritage circuits in Tawang and West Kameng, cultural and culinary immersion, river interpretation, farm stays, harvests and festivals. Tawang, Ziro, Mechuka, Namdapha and Pasighat can develop distinct identities. Kaimoi's Best Tourism Village recognition and work in Namsai show that cultural revival can be an economic asset.

Room revenue, guide fees, permits, conservation fees and craft sales should flow to village committees and households. Cooks, drivers, porters, performers, farmers and artisans should be named beneficiaries. Training should cover hospitality, first aid, rescue, waste, digital booking, language and storytelling. Homestays need water, sanitation, fire, waste and structural standards without being forced to imitate urban hotels.

The Lower Subansiri pondage proposal - a controlled tourism, adventure, cultural and inland-fisheries hub - deserves a transparent feasibility test. Reusing an altered site may be preferable to opening new upstream valleys, if safety, carrying capacity, fish ecology and community ownership are secured. Tourism must be a conservation contract: visitors receive meaning, communities receive income and ecosystems receive limits.

Agriculture must leave as a product, not a truckload

Agriculture should not leave Arunachal only as a truckload of unprocessed produce. Its microclimates can support a premium basket of kiwi, mandarin oranges, pineapple, apples, persimmon, walnuts, large cardamom, ginger, turmeric, chillies, buckthorn, medicinal plants, millets, Khamti rice, yak churpi and distinctive beverages. APEDA's buyer-seller work at Tawang points toward FPOs, FPCs, women's Self-Help Groups, branding, exports and value addition. The missing layer is a distributed system that lets farmers retain more value.

Each producing cluster should have small solar-powered processing and packing capacity: grading, pulping, juicing, drying, pickling, fermentation, spice processing, safe packaging and traceability. Five- to ten-tonne community cold rooms can prevent distress sales when landslides block roads. A brand such as Arunachal Organic Himalaya can sit above district and tribal brands only if certification, quality control and producer ownership are real. Geographical indications should protect and premiumise distinctive products, not merely decorate packaging.

Farmer Producer Companies should negotiate directly with urban retailers, hotels, institutions and exporters. Digital catalogues can show harvest windows, volumes and quality; public procurement can place local produce in schools, hospitals and tourism kitchens. Finance must cover working capital, cold chains and packaging. Women-led processing, food entrepreneurship and local logistics can create jobs without forcing young people to leave.

Climate-smart agriculture should strengthen, not erase, local knowledge. Jhum should not be eliminated by decree; improved fallows, contour planting, water harvesting, agroforestry and community fire management can reduce erosion while preserving food cultures. Nitrogen-fixing alder, Alnus nepalensis, can be integrated with heirloom tea and black pepper. Success is a productive hillside that keeps soil, water, biodiversity and income together.

Healing landscapes, not resort landscapes

Arunachal's forests, clean air, hot springs, highland climates and spiritual traditions can support a careful nature-wellness economy. This is not a licence for large resorts. It is an invitation to design small, regulated experiences: forest-bathing or Shinrin-yoku trails, meditation retreats, monastery stays, nature-therapy walks, restorative food and hot-spring facilities with strict water and waste limits.

Guides should be trained in ecology, mental-health first response, visitor safety and the limits of therapeutic claims. Indigenous dietary, herbal and healing knowledge must be documented with consent and benefit-sharing. Cooperative processing of managed non-timber products such as Mishmi teeta, wild turmeric or Taxus-related resources must prevent overharvesting and bio-piracy. Wellness should complement, never replace, public healthcare.

Craft and local design as a living economy

The cultural economy should be a productive sector, not an annual festival display. Apatani, Adi, Nyishi, Monpa and other weaving traditions; bamboo, cane and beadwork; Monpa paper; thangka and Buddhist art; and Wancho wood carving carry design intelligence. The challenge is repeatable income without flattening distinct identities into one generic Northeast aesthetic.

District craft and design hubs can provide shared tools, natural-dye research, photography, packaging, e-commerce, accounting and market access. Partnerships with design institutes, fashion labels, architects and responsible retailers must protect attribution, intellectual property, fair prices and artisan control. A digital maker passport can connect each product to its maker, village, technique and material story; tourism circuits can add demonstrations, workshops and direct sales.

Bamboo and cane bridge heritage with climate resilience. Bamboo anchors soil and can support homeware, furniture, structural alternatives and earthquake-conscious vernacular housing when engineered properly. Documentation and apprenticeships are vital: if craft is poorly paid, the state loses both a livelihood and an irreplaceable knowledge archive.

A VILLAGE POWER TEMPLATE

Illustrative 500 kW community-owned run-of-the-river model: 800-1,200 households and local institutions served; about Rs 4.5-5.5 crore capital cost; roughly 2.6 million kWh annually at 60 per cent capacity factor; customary council as trustee; Village Energy Management Society with women and youth representation; 35 per cent of revenue for O&M, 25 per cent for debt and 40 per cent for capital reserve, social dividend and watershed protection. Final feasibility, tariff and safety decisions must remain site-specific.

Power where people live

Arunachal's energy security does not require every river to become a gigawatt corridor. Safe run-of-the-river micro-hydro units, generally 10 kW to 2 MW, combined with solar and storage, can provide power close to where people live. Lower head, negligible storage and small civil footprints can reduce the scale of failure compared with a large reservoir, while allowing community ownership. No micro-hydro site is automatically safe; every site needs hydrology and geotechnical review.

An illustrative 500 kW community-owned project could serve 800 to 1,200 households, schools, clinics and micro-enterprises. The dossier models a capital cost of Rs 4.5-5.5 crore and, at a 60 per cent capacity factor, around 2.6 million kWh a year. A customary council - Kebang, Tsumok or equivalent - can hold the land and water-use trust. A Village Energy Management Society can run the plant, with elders, a technical representative, local youth technicians and at least 50 per cent women and youth representation.

Local operators should flush abrasive silt traps during the monsoon; four village youths can become primary and apprentice 'barefoot engineers'; the turbine maker can provide an annual maintenance contract; and prepaid smart metering can remove billing friction. A workable financing stack could blend 60 per cent public subsidy, 20 per cent CSR or green-climate finance, 15 per cent concessional debt and 5 per cent community land and labour.

Tariffs can protect dignity and reliability: a lifeline domestic rate, a higher commercial rate for homestays and processing, and a regulated feed-in price for surplus. The illustrative revenue waterfall allocates 35 per cent to O&M, 25 per cent to debt service and 40 per cent to resilience - 15 per cent capital reserve, 15 per cent village social dividend and 10 per cent catchment protection. Energy then runs dryers, kiwi sorting lines, grain mills, five- to ten-tonne cold rooms and local EV charging hubs.

The ten decisions that can change Arunachal's trajectory

The state government can turn the argument into a social contract through ten decisions over the next 24 months. The sequence matters: first reduce irreversible exposure, then build the institutions and markets that make safer livelihoods credible.

1. Pause new large storage dams and high-risk cascades while independent basin studies examine seismicity, GLOFs, landslides, sediment, climate projections and dam-break cascades.
2. Create a public hazard atlas with no-go and low-no zones for heavy infrastructure, biodiversity corridors and high-risk settlements.
3. Install real-time glacier, lake, rainfall, river and slope sensors in districts including Tawang, Dibang Valley and Anjaw, linked to village sirens, drills and last-mile communication.
4. Make cumulative impact assessment and public disclosure mandatory for roads, tunnels, quarries, transmission lines and hydropower.
5. Create a permanent Mountain Maintenance and Resilience Fund for drainage, bioengineering, bridge inspection, road restoration, emergency stocks and local responders.
6. Launch district missions for community tourism, organic value chains, craft, design and nature wellness, with low-interest finance, procurement and ecological standards.
7. Give FPOs, FPCs, women's SHGs, artisan guilds and tourism committees direct access to markets, digital systems, training and working capital.
8. Adopt an enforceable FPIC-like protocol: disclose alternatives, recognise customary institutions, record dissent and share risks and benefits before decisions are final.
9. Build decentralised energy around safe micro-hydro, solar, storage and islandable microgrids, with community, women and youth governance.
10. Measure progress through disaster losses, forest cover, water quality, green-sector income, youth retention, service access and community satisfaction alongside GDP and capacity.

A future measured in more life per unit of concrete

Arunachal does not face a binary choice between dams and poverty. It faces two theories of development. One treats the state as a resource warehouse whose rivers are exported, slopes cut faster than they heal and people compensated after decisions. The other treats mountains as the foundation of a local economy: forests that protect water, rivers that sustain culture and fisheries, farms that earn through processing, villages that host visitors on their terms, crafts that carry identity and energy systems that keep communities resilient.

National security is not weakened by this second theory. A village with safe housing, a clinic, a digital classroom, a community microgrid, trained responders, maintained roads and dignified livelihoods is stronger than a landscape tied to one vulnerable transmission corridor. Ecological protection and strategic presence can reinforce each other when people are custodians and partners.

The Nepal disaster, the Sikkim precedent and Arunachal's monsoon failures are not prophecies. They are choices made visible in advance. The government can still pause, listen, map, maintain and diversify. The goal is more safety, income, health, culture and possibility with less ecological damage. In a fragile Himalaya, that is the only progress that can endure.

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Sources and editorial note

Wangchuk Tsering. Safety first: Why reconsider hydropower in fragile Arunachal. Read online

Neha Desai. Why the Nepal disaster is a warning Arunachal Pradesh cannot ignore. Read online

Raj Kumar Sinha. Rising climate risks demand a new Himalayan development model. Read online

APEDA / Press Information Bureau. APEDA and Government of Arunachal Pradesh host International Conclave cum Buyer-Seller Meet at Tawang. Read online

APEDA. Arunachal Pradesh: GI and agricultural products profile. Read online

Shiv Nadar University, Centre of Excellence for Himalayan Studies. Dams in the discourse of development: vulnerabilities and systematic barriers to communities-inclusive policies in Arunachal. Read online

By Ujaya Shakya

I want to begin with a heartfelt thank you. Since the devastating flash floods in Rasuwa and surrounding areas of Nepal, I have received messages and calls from friends and colleagues across the world. Your concern for Nepal, your prayers for those affected n your words of solidarity have meant a great deal during this painful time. These messages reminded me that compassion has no borders. They also encouraged me to make a wider appeal.

Lives have been lost. Many people remain missing. Families are waiting for news, communities have been displaced and essential infrastructure has been destroyed. Nepal needs the world’s continued prayers and support. But prayers and expressions of sympathy, however meaningful, cannot be where our response ends. Alongside our grief, we must begin an urgent global conversation about Climate Change, Disaster Preparedness and the Growing vulnerability of Mountain Communities.

This is more than a tragedy in Nepal. Rasuwa may be the place currently in the headlines but the warning it carries extends far beyond Nepal. Mountain regions around the world are facing increasingly uncertain environmental conditions. Glacial instability, flash floods, landslides, extreme rainfall and rapidly changing weather patterns are placing lives, livelihoods and infrastructure at greater risk. These risks do not remain confined to remote mountain settlements. Mountains feed the rivers that sustain agriculture, drinking water, energy systems, tourism, trade and economies. When mountain ecosystems become unstable, the human impact can travel across districts, countries and generations. Protecting mountain communities is therefore not a marginal concern. It is connected to the future security of millions of people.

The Rasuwa tragedy must become more than another disaster that the world briefly mourns and then forgotten. It must be treated as a global warning n a call to action.

Why I am appealing to the Creative Community:

Climate change is rightly discussed by scientists, governments, humanitarian organisations and development institutions. Their research, expertise and leadership are essential. But climate vulnerability is also a Communication Challenge. Scientific information is often complex. Important risk assessments can remain inside reports. Early warnings may not reach vulnerable communities in time, in the right language or in a form people can easily understand. Even when information is available, people may not know what it means for their families or what action they should take. The global advertising, branding, marketing, media, design, technology and creative communities possess capabilities that can help bridge this gap.

Technology platforms with global reach including companies such as Google, Meta and TikTok, could help strengthen location based and multilingual early warning communication for communities with different levels of digital access. Brands could use their distribution networks, packaging, mobile platforms, retail relationships and media reach to support preparedness in difficult to reach areas. Media organisations and content creators could amplify verified information, reduce the spread of rumours during emergencies and keep mountain communities visible after the immediate headlines have disappeared.

Creative festivals, industry bodies and award platforms could introduce global creative briefs focused on mountain resilience, climate communication and disaster readiness. They could create space for agencies, brands and technologists to develop open source ideas that communities can adapt and use. Our industry knows how to capture attention. We simplify complex information, tell memorable stories and influence behaviour. We communicate across languages, cultures and different levels of literacy. We use design, data, media and technology to move people from awareness to action.

Can we use these abilities to help protect human lives?

No individual campaign can solve climate change. But communication can make risk easier to understand. Good design can make warnings clearer. Technology can help critical information travel faster. Storytelling can help people understand the human impact. Creativity can help move communities from awareness to preparedness. The opportunity is not to turn tragedy into a branding exercise. It is to use our professional abilities responsibly to address an urgent human challenge.

Our work should help answer practical questions:

• Where should families go during an emergency?
• How can evacuation routes be communicated clearly?
• How can people without reliable internet receive urgent information?
• How can schools, tourism businesses and community leaders become part of the warning system?

These may not look like traditional advertising briefs. But they are communication problems and communication is where our industry can contribute.

Mountain communities must lead the conversation. Any meaningful response must begin by listening to the people who live in mountain regions. They possess generations of knowledge about their landscapes, rivers, weather patterns and local warning signs. They should not be treated only as vulnerable populations or passive recipients of outside solutions. They must be partners in designing these solutions. Technology should help strengthen local knowledges. Data may help anticipate danger but trust determines whether people act. Communication may create awareness but preparedness also requires infrastructure, resources and long term commitment. The most meaningful response will bring together community knowledge, climate science, public institutions, humanitarian experience, responsible brands, media reach, technological capability and creative thinking.

A Global Call from Nepal:

I appeal to creative professionals, industry associations, agency networks, brands, media platforms, technology companies, designers and storytellers around the world: Help us bring greater attention, ideas and collective action to the protection of mountain regions and their people. Let us begin asking difficult but necessary questions.

• How can climate information become understandable and actionable?
• How can warnings travel faster across remote difficult terrain?
• How can global technology work alongside local knowledge?
• How can brands support resilience beyond a single campaign cycle?
• How can our industry help ensure that vulnerable communities remain visible before - not only after disaster strikes?

Behind every climate disaster is a community whose future depends on decisions being made today. Nepal needs your prayers and support. But Rasuwa and mountain communities around the world also need your attention, collaboration and ideas. Let this tragedy not become another moment the world mourns and then forgets. Let it become a moment when the global creative community chooses to listen, come together and act.

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Ranjani / Ramesh Jadhav

Political discussions have intensified in the Shirur Lok Sabha constituency amid speculation that former MP Shivajirao Adhalrao Patil may once again join the Shiv Sena led by Eknath Shinde. The recent visit of Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde to Landevadi and the political developments surrounding the meeting have added further fuel to the speculation.

Ahead of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Shivajirao Adhalrao Patil had joined the Ajit Pawar-led faction of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) with the aim of securing the Mahayuti’s nomination. However, discussions continued in political circles after the election that Patil remained emotionally and politically connected to Shiv Sena.

Following Shinde’s recent visit to Landevadi, speculation has once again gained momentum that Patil could be on his way back to the Shiv Sena.

Political observers point out that Patil’s political identity was built largely through Shiv Sena. He led the party in the Shirur Lok Sabha constituency for several years and continues to have a substantial base of supporters and party workers, particularly in rural areas.

Against this backdrop, his possible return could provide fresh momentum to Shiv Sena in the constituency, political observers believe.

Interestingly, even after joining the NCP, Patil is understood to have maintained contact with several of his former colleagues in Shiv Sena. This has generated curiosity among his supporters regarding the possibility of his political return. His supporters continue to describe him as a “Shiv Sainik at heart.”

There is, however, no official information about the exact political discussions that took place during the meeting at Landevadi. Nevertheless, the meeting assumes significance in view of the upcoming local body elections and the possibility of changes in political alliances and equations in the region.

The question now being discussed in Shirur and across Pune district is whether Adhalrao Patil will take off the NCP’s wristwatch and once again take up Shiv Sena’s bow and arrow.

Neither Shiv Sena nor Shivajirao Adhalrao Patil has so far made any official announcement regarding a possible return. Until an official declaration is made, therefore, the developments remain a matter of political speculation and discussion.

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Pune / Ramesh Jadhav

The Maharashtra Cabinet’s in-principle approval for the proposed Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel under the Kukadi Project has triggered concern among farmers in Ambegaon, Shirur and Junnar talukas. The development is being viewed as particularly unfortunate by sections of the farming community in Ambegaon, where the project has faced local opposition.

Senior Nationalist Congress Party leader and Ambegaon MLA Dilip Walse Patil has consistently opposed the Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel, maintaining that the interests of farmers in the region must be protected. His opposition has once again come into focus following the state Cabinet’s recent decision.

The issue came to light after it was reported that the proposed tunnel, which was not part of the original Kukadi Project, had been included in the fourth revised administrative approval for the project, estimated at ₹5,704.50 crore. The development has reportedly caused strong resentment among farmers in Ambegaon, Shirur and Junnar.

Taking immediate cognisance of the matter, former Maharashtra Assembly Speaker and MLA Dilip Walse Patil met Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and conveyed the strong opposition of local farmers to the proposed tunnel.

At the state Cabinet meeting held on Tuesday, September 1, the proposal for the fourth revised administrative approval of the Kukadi Project, amounting to ₹5,704.50 crore, was reportedly approved. After learning that the Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel was included in the proposal, Walse Patil raised his objections at the government level and before the state Cabinet.

Farmers and local residents have reportedly urged political representatives across party lines in Ambegaon taluka to adopt a united stand against the project rather than allowing political differences to come in the way of the issue. There is disappointment among sections of farmers that political leaders from different parties have not yet come together on a common platform to oppose the proposed tunnel.

Concerns over irrigation water

Walse Patil has reportedly brought to the Chief Minister’s attention the possibility that the tunnel could affect irrigation water available to farmers in Ambegaon, Shirur and Junnar talukas.

According to the concerns raised by him, the Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel could potentially have an adverse impact in the future on the irrigation water rights of farmers in these areas. Walse Patil has maintained that local farmers should not be subjected to injustice under any circumstances.

Against this backdrop, Walse Patil has demanded that necessary changes be made to the Cabinet decision and that approval for the Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel should not be granted. He personally submitted a memorandum to Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis in this regard.

It has been stated that, taking note of Walse Patil’s position, Chief Minister Fadnavis assured him that necessary changes would be considered in the Cabinet decision and that no injustice would be allowed to farmers in Ambegaon, Shirur and Junnar talukas.

A decisive battle for Ambegaon?

Dilip Walse Patil has represented Ambegaon for nearly four decades and has been consistently working against the proposed Dimbhe-Manikdoh tunnel, according to the report.

Whether his efforts ultimately succeed remains to be seen. For now, however, his sustained opposition to the project has assumed considerable significance for Ambegaon taluka. The coming period will determine whether his “lone battle” succeeds in preventing the tunnel from moving forward.

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Pune, Correspondent

The Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute (BARTI), Pune, has announced a one-time financial assistance scheme for candidates from Maharashtra who have qualified in the Maharashtra Public Service Commission (MPSC) State Services Main Examination 2025, to help them prepare for the interview stage.

Under the scheme, eligible Scheduled Caste candidates from Maharashtra who have qualified for the MPSC State Services Main Examination 2025 will receive one-time financial assistance of ₹10,000 per candidate towards preparation for the interview examination.

BARTI stated that candidates who have qualified for the interview stage as per the MPSC State Services Main Examination 2025 results can avail themselves of this financial assistance, subject to the eligibility conditions of the scheme.

A detailed notification and the online application form have been published on the official BARTI website. Eligible candidates are encouraged to make maximum use of the scheme.

For detailed information and the online application, candidates can visit the BARTI website → NOTICEBOARD → “Maharashtra Public Service Commission State Services Interview 2025.”

BARTI has appealed to all eligible candidates to take advantage of the financial assistance scheme for their interview preparation.

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Ahilyanagar/Pune, Correspondent

Uttam G. Sonparakhe, a Marathi teacher at PM SHRI Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya, Takali Dhokeshwar, Taluka Parner, District Ahilyanagar, was honoured with the ‘National Teacher Award 2026’ in recognition of his dedicated contribution to education and the holistic development of students.

The award was presented to Sonparakhe at a grand ceremony organised by Global Elite Media and Tech at the Symbiosis Ishanya Auditorium in Viman Nagar, Pune. He was felicitated with a memento and a certificate of honour for his notable work in the field of education, innovative initiatives for students’ overall development and emphasis on value-based education.

Sonparakhe has an extensive and dedicated 34-year journey in the field of education. Throughout his career, he has placed students’ personality development at the centre of his teaching and has implemented several innovative educational initiatives.

He has consistently worked to cultivate a love for reading, language skills, creativity, confidence, critical thinking, social awareness and moral values among students.

“A teacher does not merely impart knowledge; a teacher shapes lives”

Sonparakhe has enriched the teaching of Marathi with a variety of activities aimed at nurturing students’ hidden talents and abilities. Considering holistic student development as the central focus of his educational work, he has given equal importance to knowledge, values, character building and life skills.

His contribution has also been specifically acknowledged in the award citation, which commends his significant efforts towards students’ holistic development and value-based education.

Award dedicated to students

While accepting the award, Sonparakhe dedicated the honour to his students, fellow teachers, parents and everyone who supported him throughout his long educational journey.

“A teacher’s honour is not merely the recognition of an individual; it is a celebration of the dreams and achievements of the countless students shaped by that teacher,” he said.

The award has brought a new distinction at the national level to the educational work of Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya, Takali Dhokeshwar, as well as to the education sector of Ahilyanagar district.

Principal Shweta Munnawar, teachers, students, alumni, parents, education enthusiasts and friends of the school have congratulated Sonparakhe on his notable achievement.

Highlight

“A national recognition for 34 years of dedicated service to education—Uttam Sonparakhe honoured for his contribution to shaping young lives.”

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By Prof Ujjwal K. Chowdhury

On 1 September, the Supreme Court dissolved the immediate legal fog around the summer's student protests. It ordered the closure, across India, of FIRs connected to protest incidents between 20 and 25 July, barred fresh FIRs for those same incidents, and made a narrow exception for one Delhi Police case involving 2,873 people described as having serious criminal antecedents. It also recorded the Union's commitment to formulate within three months a pan-India compensation policy for families of students who died by suicide following the cancellation of NEET-UG 2026. CJP, which had announced a 5 September march from India Gate to Police Headquarters, withdrew the call after the assurances. The legal precision matters: the order does not award ₹1 crore to every family, and it is not a licence for violence. It is an event-specific exercise of Article 142, expressly not a precedent—and a test of whether a republic can turn a protest into a policy conversation.

A withdrawal that is also a verdict on trust

News headlines often make a withdrawal sound like absence. In Delhi's summer of student anger, it is better read as a conditional act of political trust. The Cockroach Janta Party withdrew its call for a 5 September march after the Supreme Court supplied an institutional answer to the Jantar Mantar cases and a route towards recognising families affected by the NEET-UG crisis. CJP spokesperson Saurav Das told the Court that, given the positive assurances and the order's judicial sanctity, the organisation would call off the march. The procession from India Gate to New Delhi Police Headquarters therefore ends not with a police barricade but with a pause granted to the state.

That pause carries a contract. The Court has not said that every protester is innocent, that every allegation made at a rally is proved, or that every future case against a demonstrator must disappear. Its direction is time-bound and event-specific. FIRs registered in any State or Union Territory in connection with the protest incidents of 20–25 July are not to be pursued or investigated; they are to be treated as closed for all purposes. The cases specified in applications from the Union, Delhi Police, Bihar, West Bengal, Maharashtra and Assam are quashed, and the same treatment is extended across India. No State or Union Territory may register a fresh FIR in relation to those incidents. The exception permits Delhi Police to pursue or register one FIR against 2,873 people present at Jantar Mantar who were described as having serious criminal antecedents, strictly in relation to bodily harm or destruction of public or private property.

The compensation language is equally important. The Court recorded the Union government's commitment and directed the formulation within three months of a pan-India policy for families of students who died by suicide following the cancellation of NEET-UG 2026, in consultation with the states and for circulation to implementing authorities. The order does not fix ₹1 crore per family or order a court-determined ₹1 crore to be paid within three months. That amount was CJP's demand. The actual instruction is a three-month deadline for a compensation policy—a distinction between a demand, an assurance and an administrative mechanism.

The exam hall spills into the street

The movement that reached the Supreme Court did not begin with a theory of democracy. It began with a damaged examination. Around two million candidates had taken NEET-UG on 3 May. After allegations of leaks and other irregularities, the National Testing Agency scrapped it on 12 May and held a retest on 21 June. For students who had spent years inside the tunnel of coaching, mock tests and family sacrifice, the cancellation altered the terms on which they believed effort would be rewarded.

The families of students who died by suicide linked their deaths to the uncertainty and distress that followed the cancellation; reporting has not independently established causation in every case. That caution must remain. Grief deserves recognition, but recognition is not the same as collapsing a complex personal tragedy into a single political fact. The Court's wording—families of students who died by suicide following the cancellation—creates room for a policy response without pretending that every individual circumstance has already been judicially tried. A compensation policy will have to answer the questions the street cannot answer by slogan alone: who is eligible, what evidence is required, how will families appeal, and which authority will be accountable for delay?

This is why the NEET controversy travelled from coaching centres to the national street. An examination is a miniature constitution: a known rule, a stable procedure and an impersonal evaluation. When the rule changes after the effort has been spent, young citizens experience a breach of the republic's promise. Max Weber's predictable bureaucracy and Pierre Bourdieu's unequal educational capital meet in one question: if the process is not fair, what exactly is merit measuring? Protesters want more than a new test; they want assurance that the pathway to a future will not be rewritten after the race begins.

Jantar Mantar becomes a classroom in citizenship

Abhijeet Dipke, who founded CJP, helped translate that anxiety into a street vocabulary. The sit-in at Jantar Mantar began on 20 June and gathered force through July. Sonam Wangchuk's hunger strike and the approach of the Parliament session turned an examination controversy into a test of how the state treats a generation it asks to compete. By 20 July, a large crowd attempted to move towards Parliament. Accounts of tear gas, batons, detentions, stone throwing and injuries remain contested, but the broad political fact is not: the protest had escaped the campus and become a national argument.

It was never one organisation speaking in one voice. CJP supplied an irreverent, networked brand; AISA, AISF, SFI and other student formations supplied histories of campus organising, ideological language and local networks; opposition politicians supplied parliamentary visibility. The coalition was untidy, as democratic coalitions usually are. It contained different views on the National Testing Agency, the National Education Policy, reservations, fees, recruitment and the place of coaching in public education. What held it together was a shared experience of procedural insecurity.

The police case became a second lesson in citizenship. For a young person, an FIR is not a conviction, but it can shadow a scholarship, job application, passport, family and willingness to join the next meeting. In August hearings, the Supreme Court signalled that young protesters' future prospects mattered and that peaceful participation had to be distinguished from hardened criminality. On 1 September, it converted that concern into an exceptional Article 142 order: event-specific relief alongside a narrow channel for allegations of bodily harm and property destruction. The democratic lesson lies in both halves.

From one rally to a countrywide circuit

The most consequential development after Jantar Mantar has been the movement's change of scale. A rally has a date, a stage and a dispersal. A circuit has memory. AISA's month-long Gen-Z Rising campaign began in Ranchi on 7 August and moved through Kolkata, Jaipur, Hyderabad, Vijayawada, Chennai, Kozhikode, Bengaluru, Mumbai, Pune, Nagpur and Bhubaneswar, with further outreach planned across north and central India. The tour was presented as a way to celebrate, continue and consolidate the Jantar Mantar mobilisation. In political terms, it turned an event into a syllabus.

AISA's demands push beyond the immediate legal wound: abolish the NTA, roll back the NEP, make education affordable and accessible, and secure employment. At Pune, AISA president Neha Bora argued that the struggle was not only about paper leaks but about protecting the dreams and opportunities of students from Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi, minority and other marginalised communities. That broadening matters. A movement that begins with an answer key can become a debate about who gets a hostel, whose language is respected in a classroom, whether reservation is implemented, and whether a degree still opens a door.

The left student wings have carried the argument into the grammar of organisation: meetings, pamphlets, delegations, campus committees, hunger strikes and the collection of local grievances. Rahul Gandhi's Chhatron Ki Goonj campaign shows party politics trying to occupy the student question. Political attention can widen visibility and force ministers to answer, but it can also narrow a plural movement into a partisan spectacle. Parties may amplify the issue; students must retain the right to disagree with the party beside them.

Jharkhand: a concession, a complication

Jharkhand supplied the clearest example of a youth movement extracting an immediate institutional response. The trigger was the 14th Combined Civil Services preliminary examination conducted by the Jharkhand Public Service Commission. About 3.5 lakh candidates took the test; 2,204 were shortlisted for the mains against 103 vacancies. Students alleged irregularities and demanded cancellation, investigation and a credible recruitment process. Protests continued for roughly 25 days. Student leader Devendra Nath Mahto ended a 16-day hunger strike after the state announced sweeping action.

On 19 August, the government released a list of 44 recruitment examinations and processes cancelled over alleged irregularities, covering JPSC, JSSC and the Test-Data-Processing Laboratory. It also announced an examination-reforms committee, fast-track legal action, vigilance cells and investigations. This was a practical success: a government that might have treated the complaints as an irritant was compelled to audit its recruitment architecture in public. Students suspended the agitation and issued a two-month ultimatum, distinguishing a concession from compliance.

But the Jharkhand story acquired a second constituency. The High Court stayed cancellation of the JSSC-CGL and CDPO examinations, while around 2,000 appointed candidates protested that a blanket cancellation could punish legitimate qualifiers. Their demand was to identify individual culpability and protect due process. The stay does not erase the student movement's achievement; it makes it more demanding. Success means investigating without replacing one injustice with another, and making a remedy survive judicial scrutiny.

Bihar: the barricade turns into a negotiation

Bihar's teacher-recruitment agitation shows how quickly the same energy can travel from the exam calendar to the police barricade and then into a committee room. On 25 August, thousands of students and teacher aspirants marched from Gandhi Maidan towards the Chief Minister's residence. They wanted the TRE-4 recruitment examination to be held in a single stage rather than through a preliminary-and-mains structure, objected to negative marking, and demanded action on earlier BPSC and other recruitment complaints. When barricades were breached, police used water cannons; reports and videos also recorded allegations of lathi-charge, stone throwing and detentions. The exact injury and detention figures remained disputed. A remark by BPSC controller Rakesh Kumar Singh comparing the students to an elephant moving through a bazaar drew criticism, and he later expressed regret.

Two days later, the street phase was called off after a meeting chaired by the Education Secretary. The official minutes said TRE-4 would be a single examination, with one candidate and one result; complaints around the 70th BPSC, BSSC examinations, the 1,799-post Daroga examination and the Bihar Eligibility Test would go before a committee headed by a sitting Patna High Court judge; stalled librarian recruitment would restart; proposals on contractual employees, domicile and maximum age would be examined; and transparency and alleged leaks in other examinations would be investigated.

It is more accurate to call Bihar an ongoing pressure campaign whose street action has been suspended than a movement that has ended. The administration has purchased time, not trust. Committees are democratic instruments when their membership, evidence, deadlines and reports are public; they are burial grounds when they merely defer. Students' leverage now depends on reading the minutes, tracking each promise and returning with evidence. That is a harder—and more durable—form of protest.

A six-year-old at the edge of the frame

Then came Aditya Kumar, a six-year-old boy from a Patna slum, who became the most startling face of the Bihar protest. He appeared at the Gardanibagh site with his parents and spoke in the vocabulary of adult politics: the Chief Minister should resign, and those who ordered the lathi-charge should face action. When the crowd became tense, police took the family to Kotwali station. The police said the child had been moved temporarily for safety and was handed back to his mother; the family described a more frightening encounter and alleged that the adults were assaulted. The claims are disputed and should be investigated rather than converted into a viral certainty.

On 1 September, Aditya ended a short sit-in after Independent MP Pappu Yadav assured the family legal support and court action over the alleged police excesses. The child's decision to end the sit-in was reported not as surrender but as a transfer of the fight to the courtroom. His image travelled because it compressed the crisis into one moral question: what does a state say to a child who asks who ordered the force used against his parents?

The answer must contain two commitments. Children are citizens with a voice, not decorative symbols at the front of a rally; nor should they be shields, exposed to violence or made to carry an adult organisation's burden. Consent, safeguarding, adult supervision and the right to leave are minimum ethics for a movement defending public education. A democracy that celebrates Aditya's courage must also protect his childhood and test every adult allegation fairly.

When Gen Alpha audits the republic

CJP's School Thik Karo campaign gives the youth movement a second frontier. Launched on 15 August from Santuk Pimpri in Maharashtra, it began with an inspection of a Zilla Parishad school where the party said it found toilets without water, broken windows and inadequate benches. The campaign promised a standardised checklist covering electricity, drinking water, separate toilets, benches and mid-day meals, and set out to document conditions rather than rely only on speeches. It also called for a cap on private-school fees.

The scattered examples are telling: students in Lucknow raised teacher shortages; children in Gaya protested basic facilities; girls in Ujjain objected to a school relocation that would lengthen their journey by several kilometres; students with hearing and speech disabilities in Chandigarh demanded inclusion. Whether every local claim survives independent verification is less important than the political pattern. Gen Alpha is learning to name public failure at the point where it is lived—in the toilet, the classroom, the bus route, the meal and the timetable.

The school audit changes the emotional register. Paper leaks produce anger at a hidden system; a broken tap produces a demand that can be checked tomorrow. The checklist turns a child's complaint into a measurable record and makes government answer school by school. The next step is to publish the evidence, responsible department and repair deadline for every campus visited. Participation matures when visibility becomes verification.

What is changing in the national mood

No single march can measure a nation's mood, and no viral child can stand in for every student. Yet the last three or four months reveal a change in the emotional weather. The young are not merely angry at a difficult exam; they are becoming watchful about the machinery around the exam. They are asking who sets the rule, who changes it, who investigates the breach, who pays for the loss and who signs the minutes. The vocabulary of protest has acquired procedural nouns: FIR, committee, retest, policy, eligibility, calendar, evidence, appeal and deadline.

This is a move from grievance to agency. CJP began with a digital identity that could have remained a joke, built a sit-in and then used a court process. AISA built a travelling political classroom. Jharkhand students learned that cancellation can be won but must be defended against a judicial stay and a counter-protest. Bihar students converted confrontation into written administrative decisions. Aditya's protest moved from the road to a legal challenge; School Thik Karo moved the argument from the coaching centre to childhood infrastructure.

The mood is neither triumphalist nor defeated. It is watchful and tired. Students have learned that a crowd can draw a minister's attention, move a court, force a committee or change an examination format. They have also learned that concessions can be delayed, cancellations can hurt a new group and a police explanation can compete with a family's testimony. Hope now has paperwork attached to it: a fragile but important democratic adulthood.

Dissent, debate and the discipline of democracy

The Constitution does not promise a government free from criticism. Article 19 protects speech and peaceful assembly, subject to reasonable restrictions. The right to protest is neither ornamental permission nor immunity from accountability. Organisers must keep action non-violent, protect minors and publish testable demands. Police must facilitate peaceful assembly, use force proportionately and preserve evidence when violence is alleged. Courts must distinguish conduct without allowing a protest label to erase bodily harm or property destruction.

The Supreme Court's order is a compact lesson in this balance. It gives relief from event-specific FIRs across India without declaring all conduct at all protests lawful. It makes a narrow exception for one Delhi Police case involving 2,873 people with serious criminal antecedents, limited to bodily harm or destruction of public or private property. It invokes Article 142 for these peculiar facts and circumstances and expressly says the order is not a precedent. It records a compensation commitment while leaving amount and implementation to a policy due within three months.

That balance strengthens dissent because it makes disagreement legible. Democracy becomes healthier when claims are made publicly, answered with reasons, corrected by evidence and translated into rules. The danger is not that young citizens have found their voice, but that institutions hear only the loudest fragment and leave others to conclude that procedure is a dead end. Debate must be made consequential.

The next test is implementation

The 5 September withdrawal moves the spotlight from the barricade to the calendar. Within three months, the Union must formulate the promised pan-India compensation policy with the states and circulate it to implementing authorities. States and Union Territories must close and not investigate the July 20–25 FIRs covered by the order, and must not register fresh FIRs for those incidents. Delhi Police's exception demands clear evidence, a fair process and no return to treating an entire crowd as one criminal subject.

Jharkhand's court proceedings, Bihar's review mechanisms and CJP's school checklist will reveal whether this season produces institutions or only headlines. The answer depends on publication: committee names, terms, evidence, hearing dates, reasons and a record of change. Families need a humane, accessible and appealable compensation window. Recruitment justice must find fraud without destroying legitimate appointments; school repair orders must outlive the news cycle.

The movement has not vanished because CJP withdrew a march; it has changed form. The street has won a hearing, not a final settlement. If the state follows through, withdrawal becomes democratic reciprocity: a protest pauses because an institution answered. If promises dissolve into files, the September march may be postponed rather than erased. The republic has moved its barricades into courtrooms, committee rooms, exam calendars, school toilets and the question of whether a young citizen can be heard without being treated as a threat.

The strongest youth movements are not those that never shout. They are the ones that learn to turn a shout into a demand, a demand into evidence, evidence into a hearing, and a hearing into a rule that can be checked. In the last three months, India's students have begun that work in public. The country's democratic mood is being shaped not only by what they oppose, but by the institutional language they are learning to insist upon: fairness, transparency, accountability, dissent and debate. The next chapter will be written in the gap between an assurance and its delivery.

The Court has given the protest a legal pause. Whether that pause becomes trust depends on what is put into the policy, the files and the public record next.

Reporting note

This feature was updated for 2 September 2026. Claims by organisers, police, families and political actors are identified or qualified in the text; disputed allegations are not presented as established fact. The Supreme Court description follows the 1 September reporting of the order and the official cause-list entry for the connected proceedings.

Supreme Court cause list (1 September 2026): https://api.sci.gov.in/jonew/cl/2026-09-01/M_J_2.pdf

LiveLaw: Supreme Court order on protest FIRs and compensation policy: https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/supreme-court-quashes-firs-across-country-over-student-protests-bars-future-firs-548094

LiveLaw: CJP withdrawal and Solicitor-General submissions: https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/withdrawing-september-5-protest-cjp-leader-saurav-das-tells-supreme-court-as-centre-acts-to-withdraw-cases-548084

Telangana Today/IANS: pan-India scope, exception and three-month policy: https://telanganatoday.com/supreme-court-quashes-firs-against-student-protesters-across-india

Reuters: NEET protest timeline and CJP mobilisation: https://www.reuters.com/world/india/indias-youth-protests-force-exam-reforms-after-education-minister-quits-2026-07-27/

AISA Gen-Z Rising campaign: https://telanganatoday.com/aisa-chief-neha-bora-to-lead-nationwide-gen-z-rising-campaign

Jharkhand recruitment protests and government response: https://ddindia.co.in/2026/08/jharkhand-govt-releases-list-of-44-recruitment-exams-cancelled-over-irregularities/

Bihar TRE-4 decisions and official meeting minutes: https://education.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/industry/bihar-govt-agrees-to-single-phase-tre-4-exam-students-call-off-stir-after-meeting-with-education-secretary/133571450

Reporting on Aditya Kumar's sit-in and its legal follow-up: https://www.rediff.com/news/report/bihars-6-yr-old-protester-ends-sit-in-after-meeting-pappu-yadav/20260901.htm

CJP School Thik Karo campaign: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/government-school-students-gen-alpha-protests-across-country-cjp-school-thik-karo-campaign-2972953-2026-08-17

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Pune | Staff Reporter

The Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute (BARTI) has appealed to students from reserved categories seeking admission to professional undergraduate and postgraduate courses to promptly complete any pending requirements related to their caste validity certificates.

For the academic year 2026–27, the State Common Entrance Test Cell has conducted the centralized admission process for reserved-category candidates seeking admission to various undergraduate and postgraduate professional courses in higher education, technical education, agricultural education, medical/Ayush education and arts education. The admission deadlines for these courses have already been announced by the State Common Entrance Test Cell.

However, district caste certificate verification committees have observed that several students submitted their applications late. Although eligible candidates have been informed through SMS, email and letters about deficiencies in their applications and the need to submit the required documents, many applicants have reportedly not yet contacted the concerned committees.

BARTI has clarified that completing deficiencies in applications is the sole responsibility of the applicants. To prevent inconvenience to students and ensure timely decisions, district caste certificate verification committees have been directed, wherever necessary, to keep their offices open on holidays.

The appeal is particularly aimed at students who have not yet rectified deficiencies in their caste validity certificate applications. Such applicants have been urged to immediately contact their respective District Caste Certificate Verification Committee and complete the pending requirements, enabling the committee to take a decision within the prescribed timeframe.

The appeal has been issued by Deepa Mudhol-Munde, Director General, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute (BARTI), Pune, and Chief Coordinator, District Caste Certificate Verification Committees, Maharashtra State.

BARTI stressed that timely completion of the process is essential to ensure that students from backward and reserved categories are not deprived of admission to professional courses due to the absence of a caste validity certificate.

Mumbai, Correspondent

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said here today that Hindi-speaking autorickshaw and taxi drivers hailing from North India need to know only basic Marathi.

He explained that his government's stand on mandatory use of Marathi for auto drivers is not intended to make them experts in the Marathi language, saying that the government had already given the drivers enough time to learn to speak the Marathi language. He also clarified that no driver’s licence has been revoked.

“There is no reason to make them experts in Marathi. They should know how to speak basic and passable Marathi. That is our only request. There’s no strictness about it. We are simply trying to teach them the Marathi language,” Fadnavis told media persons.

Fadnavis said that the time has been extended earlier also and if the drivers demand extension of the deadline in future also, then it will be extended.

However, Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena leader and State Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik stated that if drivers fail to learn passable Marathi within a month, their licences as well as badges will be suspended, and they will be given three more months to learn Marathi.

“If they fail to do so after three months, their licences will be revoked,” Sarnaik said.

The statement by Fadnavis came after the Raj Thackeray-led Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) put up banners and posters at Charkop addressing Hindi-speaking auto and taxi drivers, “If you feel inferior in learning and speaking Marathi, then go back to your state,” after a Marathi-speaking auto driver was allegedly thrashed by a group of Hindi-speaking auto drivers on Monday, near the Croma showroom in Kandivali West, and broke the wipers of his vehicle.

This led to the Marathi-speaking auto driver, who suffered minor injuries due to the assault, demanding action against the alleged culprits, after which the MNS warned that if there is an attempt to threaten the movement of passengers through strikes and protests by Hindi-speaking auto drivers, the MNS will not remain silent.
Meanwhile, Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Nirupam and former MP, who hails from Bihar, sent a memorandum to Shinde-led Sena’s Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik today demanding that licences of Hindi-speaking auto drivers who have not yet learned to speak Marathi language should be extended, without cancelling them.

Nirupam's memorandum to his party colleague and Transport Minister Sarnaik also stated that the government must keep the “human and social perspective” in mind while enforcing the law that all auto and taxi drivers in Maharashtra must know to speak the Marathi language.

Nirupam’s memorandum to Sarnaik has demanded that an extension of the deadline for Hindi-speaking auto and taxi drivers to learn the Marathi language and that their driving licences must not be revoked simply because they have not learnt to speak the Marathi language.

“We completely agree with the position that every citizen living in Maharashtra must know the Marathi language. Responding to the government’s appeal, about 85 per cent of auto drivers have ‘mastered’ the Marathi language, which is commendable. However, it is wrong to take action against a remaining minority of auto drivers through raids and notices to cancel their driving licences after the expiry of the August 15 deadline,” Nirupam’s memorandum to his party colleague and Transport Minister Sarnaik stated.

Nirupam's memorandum to Sarnaik also demanded setting up of training centres at every RTO office, to impart free Marathi language training regularly as well as provide free study materials to aspiring drivers.
His memorandum also demanded that the implementation of the government campaign for Marathi language must be through training, communication and encouragement, instead of punitive action.

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Solapur, Correspondent

 “To succeed in life, students must have strong roots in values and traditions while spreading their wings to pursue their dreams. Stay hungry to learn and remain humble. As long as the desire to learn remains alive within you, no one can stop your progress,” said Rajesh Damani, Founder and Managing Director of Jamshree Realty. Damani was speaking as the chief guest at ‘Vishwarambh 2026’, the induction ceremony organised by MIT Vishwaprayaag University, Solapur, to welcome students admitted for the new academic year.

The programme was organised under the blessings of Prof. Dr. Vishwanath D. Karad, Founder President of MAEER’s MIT and the guidance of Prof. Swati Karad Chate, Executive President of MIT Vishwaprayaag University. The ceremony commenced with the traditional lighting of the lamp and Saraswati Puja in the presence of Ankit Damani, Vice President, Jamshree Realty; Vice Chancellor Prof. Gopalkrishna Joshi, Registrar Pranesh Murnal, Prof. Anant Chakradev, Prof. Prabha Kasliwal and Deans of various academic schools.

Appreciating the University’s labs and design centre, Damani urged students to move beyond textbook-based learning and make the most of hands-on educational opportunities. “Do not depend solely on bookish knowledge. Give importance to practical learnings, do not be afraid of making mistakes and turn those mistakes into stepping stones for progress,” he said. He also encouraged students to reduce their daily screen time and develop a reading habit.

Speaking about MAEER’s MIT’s value-based educational tradition, Vice Chancellor Prof. Gopalkrishna Joshi said students should not merely chase marks but prepare themselves for the larger challenges of life. “Students must focus on innovation, skill development and problem-solving and prepare themselves for the real examination of life, rather than simply pursuing grades,” he said.

Drawing an analogy between the university and the flow of the Ganga, Prof. Joshi said that students’ thirst for knowledge and motivation to learn are the vessels with which they must enter the river of knowledge. He also underlined the importance of collaboration between parents and the university in ensuring students’ holistic development. He urged parents to remain in regular contact with the university and, more importantly, to maintain daily communication with their children.

At the beginning Ankit Damani spoke about the journey of the Jamshree Group and its transformation over the years in response to changing times and emerging opportunities.

During introductory remarks Registrar Pranesh Murnal familiarised the new students with the university’s philosophy, values, academic approach and the diverse opportunities available to them. The MIT Vishwaprayaag University extended a warm welcome to the newly admitted students and conveyed its best wishes for their academic journey and future success. The induction ceremony witnessed enthusiastic participation from newly admitted students and their parents.

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By Milind Pol, Sawlaj (Tasgaon)

Maharashtra’s political history has been enriched by few personalities as distinctive, principled and widely respected as the late R. R. Patil, fondly known as ‘Aba’. His public life demonstrated that it was possible to remain committed to political ethics even while holding power, enjoying influence and occupying positions of considerable authority.

Many people remain honest because they never receive opportunities to compromise. R. R. Patil was different. Opportunities came his way repeatedly. He attained power, held important ministerial portfolios, enjoyed immense public visibility and possessed considerable decision-making authority. Yet, at every stage, he chose to strengthen rather than compromise his moral standing.

That is why, years after his passing, memories of R. R. Patil go beyond political anecdotes. His legacy continues to evoke a different kind of political culture—one rooted in simplicity, accountability and public commitment.

A Politician Who Was Difficult to Read

There are perhaps more examples of how little we truly knew about R. R. Patil than of how well we knew him.

He possessed the political instinct expected of a seasoned leader: the ability to read people, understand the mood of those around him, conceal his own thoughts when necessary and make the right decision at the right moment.

If he did not want to reveal something, he rarely offered a blunt refusal. Instead, he would skillfully steer the conversation in another direction, often encouraging the other person to reveal more than they had intended.

His political intelligence could also be mischievous. When he wanted information about someone, he would sometimes avoid approaching that person directly and instead extract the information from the individual’s opponent.

It was a style that reflected both political sophistication and a sharp sense of humour.

From Rural Development to the State’s Political Centre

As Rural Development Minister, R. R. Patil launched the village cleanliness campaign in the name of Sant Gadge Baba and gave significant momentum to the Tantamukt Gaon—dispute-free village—initiative. These programmes helped initiate a process of social change in rural Maharashtra.

The initiatives also brought him enormous public recognition. He became a favourite of the media.

But publicity can be both a politician’s strength and vulnerability. R. R. Patil experienced both sides of that reality during his political career.

After becoming Home Minister, he emerged as one of the most closely watched political leaders in Maharashtra. Journalists needed news, and Aba understood the pulse of the news exceptionally well.

He knew what to say, when to say it, and which journalist to speak to on a particular issue. His understanding of the media was remarkable.

Decisions That Defined His Tenure

The decision to ban dance bars was among the most significant decisions of his tenure as Home Minister. He faced political pressure over the issue, yet he refused to withdraw the decision.

His reputation was also notable in areas such as police recruitment and transfers—fields often associated with the possibility of substantial financial transactions. R. R. Patil was widely regarded as a minister who did not take even a rupee for himself.

As legislators increasingly approached him with requests concerning police transfers, he began studying senior police officers in depth. He knew their strengths and weaknesses, understood where individual officers could be most effective and could often recommend the right person for a particular responsibility without even having the relevant papers in front of him.

When Publicity Became a Burden

His close relationship with the media, however, sometimes worked against him.

The brighter the spotlight of publicity, the larger the shadow it can create. The period following the 26/11 Mumbai terrorist attacks brought that difficult reality into sharp focus.

A controversy arising from the partial interpretation of one of his statements eventually led to his resignation as Home Minister.

Yet the manner in which he resigned remains a powerful example of political simplicity.

He left office, vacated his official residence, surrendered his official vehicles and returned towards Tasgaon without even taking a security escort.

A leader who had reached the heights of political power showed that he could return to ordinary life with exactly the same simplicity after leaving office.

A Life Beyond Personal Gain

R. R. Patil is also remembered for refusing inducements from interests associated with the oil and petrol trade.

His position was simple: “I do not want to mix soil into people’s food.”

It was a statement that reflected the values underpinning his public life.

Even while serving as a minister, he chose not to keep his family in a government residence in Mumbai. He did not acquire a personal home in Pune or Mumbai. He also kept his family away from political benefits during his years in power.

These were not merely gestures of personal austerity. They were measures of the simplicity with which he approached public life.

There was a striking contrast in his personality. Politically, he was an experienced strategist. Personally, he remained remarkably simple.

He could outmanoeuvre a political opponent, but when a poor person without influence or connections came to him seeking help, he could be equally quick to respond.

What If Aba Were Still Here?

Looking at Maharashtra’s politics today, one question inevitably arises:

What would the political landscape look like if R. R. Patil were still alive?

The split within the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), the political upheavals that followed, changing political equations and the uncertainty among party workers have made his absence even more noticeable.

Would the NCP have experienced such a major decline if Aba had been alive?

History cannot provide a definitive answer. But there is little doubt that the party would have had a widely acceptable, patient, organisationally capable leader with strong moral credibility.

The untimely loss of R. R. Patil and Ajitdada Pawar was not merely a loss for one political party. It was also a loss for Maharashtra’s public life.

A generation lost two leaders with very different personalities, yet both had a deep connection with the people.

Carrying Forward Aba’s Legacy

After R. R. Patil’s death, one of the biggest questions facing the politics of Tasgaon-Kavathe Mahankal was: Who would carry forward the dreams he had envisioned for the region?

Today, an answer appears to be emerging in the form of a younger generation of leadership.

The political journey of MLA Rohit Patil reflects an effort to carry forward some of the development aspirations associated with his father. Merely using a father’s name for political advantage is not enough; translating his development vision into reality is perhaps the more meaningful tribute.

One major focus is employment and industrial development. Efforts are underway to advance the proposed MIDC project in the Tasgaon area, with the aim of creating local employment opportunities and reducing the need for young people to migrate to Pune and Mumbai in search of work.

If realised, the project could bring significant economic and social change to Tasgaon.

Another longstanding dream was to provide a permanent water solution to the drought-prone areas of Tasgaon-Kavathe Mahankal.

Rohit Patil has continued to pursue the issue of securing permanent irrigation for the region through the expanded Tembhu irrigation project.

Industry, employment and water can together shape the future of a rural region. R. R. Patil viewed development through precisely such a broad lens.

These initiatives, therefore, are not merely infrastructure or development projects. They represent an opportunity to carry forward the ideas he championed.

A Legacy Measured in Values

The legacy of R. R. Patil is not simply his name.

It is simplicity, transparency, a close relationship with the people, decisiveness and an unrelenting commitment to development.

For Rohit Patil, the challenge is consequently a significant one. Invoking Aba’s name is easy. Upholding the political ethics and commitment to ordinary citizens that defined Aba is the real test.

History Does Not Forget

Many stories from the Maharashtra Police, political anecdotes and accounts of decisions taken behind the scenes disappeared with R. R. Patil.

A leader of his stature takes years to emerge.

Even today, it is difficult to accept that Aba is no longer among us. Yet his ideas, his working style and the political values he upheld seem even more relevant in the present era.

Politics today has power, resources and publicity. But where is the leader who places ethics above power?

That is the question his legacy compels us to ask.

Aba once said:

“I am what I am; I cannot help it. Some people like me, some do not. But I have no hatred in my heart for those who do not like me.”

Those words capture a significant part of his political personality.

Influenced by the ideas of Yashwantrao Chavan, Vasantdada Patil and Sharadchandra Pawar, R. R. Patil nevertheless went on to create an identity of his own.

On his birth anniversary, therefore, the question is not merely: What kind of leader was Aba?

The more important question is:

Will we carry forward the values for which R. R. Patil entered public life and fought his political battles?

R. R. Patil was not merely a leader of Tasgaon. He became a distinctive and trusted symbol of Maharashtra’s political culture—a leader whose public image was built around integrity, simplicity and service.

Completing his unfinished dreams, translating his ideas into action and keeping the flag of ethical public life flying high would be the most meaningful tribute to the late R. R. Patil.

Humble tributes to the late R. R. Patil on his birth anniversary.

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