By Prof. Ujjwal Chowdhury

The Moment Before the Verdict

As of 3 May 2026, Bengal stands in that charged interval between voting and verdict. The queues have ended, the slogans have faded, the booth agents have filed their last reports, and counting is scheduled for 4 May. Yet the political story already has a shape. It is not a story of a government without anger against it. It is not a story of an opposition without energy. It is not even a story of a state fully satisfied with its present condition. It is a story of comparative trust: between a ruling party that has entered the household through welfare, organisation and identity, and a challenger that has expanded dramatically but still has not become a sufficiently trusted governing alternative in Bengal.

The Trinamool Congress is likely to win this election not because every Bengali voter is content, and not because the BJP has failed to create anti-incumbency. TMC is likely to win because, in the lived grammar of Bengal politics, Mamata Banerjee still carries a more credible emotional contract with the voter than the BJP does. The uploaded documents converge on the same thesis: TMC's social coalition, women-centred welfare, minority consolidation, booth-level embeddedness, Bengali identity narrative and Mamata's singular leadership still outweigh the BJP's campaign of corruption, law and order, polarisation and central power. But that same thesis carries a warning: if TMC wins a fourth term, it cannot continue with the older model of welfare plus local control. The next mandate must become a governance reset.

TMC is likely to win not because Bengal is free of anger, but because its welfare memory, social coalition, Bengali identity and Mamata Banerjee's personal connect still outweigh the BJP's opposition narrative.

The Welfare State as Political Memory

The first chapter of the story begins not in television studios but in kitchens, schoolbags, ration queues, hospital counters and bank passbooks. TMC's greatest strength is that welfare has become personal. Lakshmir Bhandar is not merely a scheme name printed in government advertisements. For more than two crore women, it is a recurring monthly recognition by the state. Kanyashree is not merely a scholarship scheme. It is a memory of the state telling a girl that her schooling matters. Swasthya Sathi is not merely a card. For families that have used it in moments of medical panic, it is evidence that the government can intervene when money is unavailable. Rupashree, Sabuj Sathi, Student Credit Card, Utkarsh Bangla, Duare Sarkar and related initiatives have together built a welfare ecosystem that reaches across life stages: school, college, health, marriage support, skilling, local certificates, grievance redressal and household cash.

The uploaded material places the scale of this welfare system at the centre of the election. Lakshmir Bhandar is reported to cover around 2.21 crore women, with large annual allocations and cumulative expenditure running into tens of thousands of crores. Kanyashree has crossed the one crore or near-one-crore beneficiary mark in different official and political references. Swasthya Sathi is described as covering crores of families or roughly eight to nine crore people, with over one crore hospitalisation or service beneficiaries. Sabuj Sathi has reached more than a crore students through bicycles. Duare Sarkar has delivered more than ten crore public services through lakhs of camps. These numbers matter because they are not abstract campaign claims to a poor household. They are proof that something has arrived.

This is why the BJP's promise of a larger monthly payment to women, including the pitch of Rs. 3,000 per month, faces a credibility problem. In election theory, future promise can defeat past delivery only if the challenger is trusted more than the incumbent. In Bengal, TMC can say, "We are already paying." BJP must say, "We will pay if elected." For an urban analyst, the difference may appear administrative. For a lower-income woman, it is existential. A guaranteed smaller flow can be more valuable than a larger uncertain one. In the political imagination of Bengal, TMC's welfare architecture has become a running tap; the BJP is offering a new pipeline whose water is yet to be tested.

Social Arithmetic: Minorities, Women and the Fear Factor

The second chapter is social arithmetic, but arithmetic in Bengal is never only arithmetic. Muslims constitute about 27 percent of West Bengal's population according to Census 2011, and in many districts and constituencies they are decisive. It would be analytically incorrect to claim that any community votes 100 percent in one direction. But the documents correctly emphasise that strong minority consolidation behind TMC remains one of the party's greatest advantages. Post-poll and political analyses after the 2024 Lok Sabha election suggested a very large Muslim preference for TMC. In 2026, that consolidation may sharpen further because of BJP's rhetoric around infiltration, Bangladeshis, Rohingyas, CAA, UCC and voter verification.

Here, BJP faces a paradox of its own making. The harder it speaks to one section of Hindu voters through suspicion of minorities, the more it consolidates Muslim voters behind TMC. The decision not to field Muslim candidates in the 2026 Assembly election, as noted in the uploaded documents, becomes symbolically meaningful in a state where minority representation is not merely arithmetic but also dignity. TMC's fielding of a significant number of Muslim candidates, and Congress fielding even more in some accounts, allows Mamata Banerjee to claim that she represents Bengal's social plurality while BJP represents a politics of exclusion.

Smaller minority-oriented parties such as AIMIM or ISF may try to fragment this vote, but the current climate makes TMC's counter-narrative powerful: do not split the vote when the larger threat is disenfranchisement and centralised majoritarianism. The uploaded drafts also treat controversies around splinter Muslim initiatives with caution, correctly distinguishing between allegation and proof. The political point, however, stands: where minority voters fear that vote division may help BJP, consolidation becomes a survival instinct rather than a party preference.

The third chapter is the Special Intensive Revision of the voter list, or SIR, which has become more than an administrative exercise. It has become an emotional wound. The uploaded documents present slightly different numerical formulations but converge on the political essence: the revision created deep anxiety among the poor, minorities, migrants, Dalits, Matuas, elderly voters and families with fragile documentation. Some accounts state that the electorate before draft publication was over 7.66 crore and the final roll came down to about 6.44 crore, with more than 60 lakh doubtful or pending cases under adjudication. The exact official mechanics may be contested, but the lived experience is clear: many families felt that the right to vote had become uncertain.

SIR: Administrative Revision as Democratic Anxiety

That uncertainty does not affect only the person whose name is missing. If one member of a family is deleted, doubtful or summoned into an adjudication process, the entire household feels insulted and threatened. If a grandfather's name remains but the grandson's disappears, the family does not interpret it as technical cleansing. It interprets it as democratic insecurity. If documents accepted earlier are suddenly treated as insufficient, the voter does not see software accuracy; the voter sees suspicion. TMC has converted this into a powerful argument: Bengal's poor, Bengal's minorities, Bengal's migrants and Bengal's ordinary people are being harassed in the name of cleansing voter rolls.

The BJP expected that voter-roll revision and citizenship politics would help it by sharpening the infiltrator narrative. But the documents argue that the fallout has not been so neat. Reports cited in the drafts suggest that a large share of excluded or affected people were Hindus, including lower-income Hindu households, Dalits and Matuas, even while specific constituencies also showed disproportionate minority impact. This complicates BJP's strategy. Instead of producing a clean Hindu-versus-Muslim polarisation, SIR may have produced a shared grievance across communities. For TMC, that is politically valuable because Mamata Banerjee can present herself as the defender of the voter, not only the defender of minorities.

The fourth chapter is Mamata herself. The TMC has scandals, unpopular local leaders, factional arrogance and accusations of syndicate culture. Yet many voters still distinguish between "Didi" and the local "dada." This distinction may appear illogical to critics, but it is politically real. Mamata Banerjee remains Bengal's most emotionally legible leader. Her cotton saree, rubber slippers, street protests, rough humour, impatience, anger, poetry, songs, injuries, hunger-strike memory and permanent posture of combat give her something that no BJP leader in Bengal has matched: a sense of being recognisably local, unmediated and personally invested.

Mamata Banerjee: The Singular Face of the Contest

The SIR controversy has allowed her to return to her strongest political role: protector of Bengal against Delhi. Every confrontation with the Election Commission, every court battle, every protest march, every slogan about Bengali dignity helps her become again what she was before 2011: a fighter against a larger power. The irony is that after fifteen years in government, she can still campaign as if she is fighting from the street. That is a rare political skill. Many incumbents become administrators; Mamata has remained agitator-in-chief.

Her gender is not incidental. TMC's welfare architecture has been deliberately feminised. Kanyashree speaks to girls, Lakshmir Bhandar to women, Rupashree to poorer families with daughters, self-help groups to rural economic networks, and panchayat representation to local female visibility. Mamata is not merely a woman chief minister; she is the symbolic centre of a women-facing political economy. BJP can and does attack TMC over women's safety, especially after Sandeshkhali and RG Kar. These attacks have force. But BJP has not built a comparable Bengal-specific women's economic architecture. That difference matters at the polling booth.

The fifth chapter is organisation. Bengal elections are not won only by speeches from helicopters. They are won through booths, para networks, clubs, panchayats, self-help groups, local grievance handlers, ration-card problem solvers, school contacts, hospital mediators, beneficiary lists and counting-room vigilance. The uploaded documents repeatedly emphasise that TMC's booth machine remains its hardest electoral weapon. The CPI(M) once had such embedded structure; today it does not. BJP has expanded since 2019, but expansion is not the same as embeddedness.

The Booth Machine and the Local Memory of Power

A TMC worker often knows who received Lakshmir Bhandar, whose health card was used, whose son migrated, whose daughter needs a scholarship, whose land dispute is pending, whose name may have been cut from the voter list, whose family is angry, and who must be persuaded before polling day. This knowledge is not always benign. It can become pressure, intimidation, cut money and local capture. But electorally, it is an information advantage. BJP may have central leaders, digital campaigns, money, Hindutva messaging and national media amplification. TMC has local memory.

This is why the party's pre-counting focus on agents, booth-level vigilance and constituency-level instructions matters. Elections in Bengal are not merely voting-day events; they are organisational wars from voter list to counting table. TMC understands that politics is not only mood but machinery. BJP has a machine too, but in many areas, especially South Bengal and rural belts where TMC controls much of the panchayat structure, the challenger still lacks the intimate everyday presence that turns anger into votes.

The sixth chapter is Bengali identity. BJP's "double engine" pitch has run into TMC's "Bengal versus outsider control" pitch. The outsider argument is sometimes dismissed as regional chauvinism, but in Bengal it taps into a long cultural memory: language, literature, food, festivals, refugee histories, syncretic traditions, rural folk cultures, urban bhadralok pride and suspicion of northern political templates. The controversies cited in the uploaded documents - Bengali being described in a Delhi Police communication as a "Bangladeshi language," Bengali-speaking migrant workers being treated as Bangladeshis in some BJP-ruled contexts, and food-policing anxieties around fish and meat - have given TMC symbolic fuel.

Bengali Identity Against the Outsider Frame

Bengal's cultural politics is complex because the same voter may worship Durga, eat fish, celebrate Eid with neighbours, visit a Jagannath temple, admire Netaji, recite Tagore, watch football and distrust communal policing. TMC has understood this better than BJP. Its support for Durga Puja committees, the Digha Jagannath temple project, and Hindu cultural events is not a shift to Hindutva; it is an attempt to prevent BJP from monopolising Hindu identity. The message is: Bengal can be deeply Hindu in cultural practice without becoming majoritarian in political temperament.

This soft religious patronage blunts the BJP's attempt to label TMC anti-Hindu. It tells Hindu voters that they do not need BJP to protect Durga Puja, temple devotion or Bengali Hindu culture. At the same time, TMC maintains its minority support by presenting Bengal's Hindu practice as plural, festive and local rather than exclusionary. This is a delicate balance, but so far it has worked well enough to limit BJP's statewide polarisation dividend.

The seventh chapter is the BJP's central weakness: it has not answered the question, "Who will run Bengal?" Narendra Modi remains BJP's biggest campaigner and most recognisable national brand. But a state election finally asks a state question. Modi will not sit in Nabanna. Amit Shah will not run district administration. BJP has strong Bengal leaders - Suvendu Adhikari, Dilip Ghosh, Sukanta Majumdar, Samik Bhattacharya and others - but the party has not projected a single undisputed chief ministerial face with the emotional clarity Mamata possesses.

Why BJP Falls Short

This leadership vacuum matters because anti-incumbency needs a destination. A voter angry with TMC must be able to imagine a government after TMC. The BJP has often offered anger but not enough local reassurance. Its leadership has appeared fragmented: Suvendu as combative opposition face, Dilip as original grassroots BJP voice, Sukanta or Samik as organisational heads, and the central leadership as the real authority. This creates reach but not emotional certainty. TMC has one answer: Mamata. BJP has a committee.

The Chandra Kumar Bose factor, as described in the uploaded documents, is symbolic but significant. When Netaji's grandnephew and a former BJP figure joins TMC while saying BJP does not understand Bengal's soul, it reinforces the cultural legitimacy problem. One leader's movement does not decide elections, but symbols matter in Bengal. Netaji, Tagore, Vivekananda, Nazrul and the wider Bengal renaissance are not ornamental references; they are part of political identity. If BJP appears unable to inhabit that symbolic world naturally, TMC's outsider narrative gains strength.

The eighth chapter is why BJP's polarisation strategy has a ceiling. Hindu consolidation has helped BJP in many states and in parts of Bengal. It has delivered support in North Bengal, border belts, urban pockets and Matua-influenced areas. But Bengal is not a blank slate. It has religious anxieties, but also a strong linguistic and cultural self-conception. It has refugee memories, but also fear of documentation harassment. It has Hindu pride, but also discomfort with being told that Bengali food, language and social practice are suspect. A hard communal pitch may energise some voters but alienate others.

The documents point out that BJP's rhetoric around infiltrators, Rohingyas and Bangladeshis may deepen minority consolidation and unsettle Bengali cultural moderates. It can also worry Matuas and other borderland communities if citizenship promises remain entangled in paperwork. The CAA pathway, once a strong BJP promise, becomes a double-edged sword when beneficiaries do not experience swift, dignified, guaranteed citizenship. If a voter expected recognition but instead feels scrutiny, the promise turns into anxiety.

North Bengal remains important for BJP, and TMC cannot take it lightly. The hills, tea gardens, tribal belts, Rajbanshi areas and border districts are not uniformly pro-TMC. But the documents suggest that BJP's earlier momentum there has faced strains: unresolved questions about a permanent political solution in Darjeeling, delayed Gorkha sub-tribe recognition, labour anxiety in tea gardens and jute sectors, and frustration in refugee and Matua belts. BJP may still win several seats in these zones, but pockets of strength are not the same as a statewide majority.

The Third Force and the Limits of Anti-Incumbency

The ninth chapter is the Left-Congress factor. In 2021, Bengal became almost bipolar: TMC versus BJP. Many anti-TMC voters shifted to BJP because it appeared the only party capable of defeating Mamata. In 2026, the opposition space is more fragmented. CPI(M) is trying to recover youth, jobs and constitutional politics. Congress has campaigned in minority and border districts such as Malda and Murshidabad. Even if the Left and Congress do not win many seats, their presence matters in close contests. A three to five percent anti-TMC vote split can defeat BJP's hopes in several constituencies.

This helps TMC structurally. Some voters who dislike TMC but fear BJP may return to the Left or Congress. Some educated urban voters angry over corruption, recruitment scams or RG Kar may not want to vote BJP. Some minorities may prefer Congress locally but still consolidate behind TMC where BJP is the main challenger. The result is that BJP's anti-incumbency pool is not fully consolidated. TMC benefits when opposition anger is morally loud but electorally divided.

The tenth chapter is development data and the argument against collapse. BJP has tried to present Bengal as lawless, jobless and economically broken. TMC's counter is that Bengal is not a Gujarat-style industrial state, but it is not an economic desert. The uploaded documents refer to growth in state domestic product since 2011, per capita GSDP estimates around Rs. 1.71 lakh for 2023-24, unemployment rates lower than national figures in cited PLFS/NITI-linked accounts, strong agricultural cropping intensity around 184 percent, and tourism strength, including West Bengal's high rank in foreign tourist visits in 2024 and the global visibility of Durga Puja after UNESCO recognition.

Development, Data and the Counter-Narrative to Collapse

The Kolkata safety data cited in the documents also complicates the BJP's narrative. NCRB 2023 reportedly placed Kolkata among the safest major Indian cities for cognisable offences and relatively lower among metros for crimes against women. This does not erase RG Kar, Sandeshkhali, political violence or local intimidation. It does, however, allow TMC to respond to blanket claims of total lawlessness. The more accurate description is mixed: Bengal has serious governance failures, but it also has functioning welfare, agriculture, tourism, cultural economy, MSMEs, services, migration-linked remittances and urban professional sectors.

TMC also uses the central-deprivation argument. Disputes over MGNREGS and other central funds have been converted into a Bengal-rights issue. BJP says funds were withheld because of corruption and misuse; TMC says Delhi is denying Bengal its due. In a federal state with strong linguistic identity, this grievance resonates. It allows TMC to present welfare stress not only as a state-capacity problem but as central punishment. Whether every claim is accepted or not, the emotional frame is effective: Delhi is unfair, Didi is fighting.

And yet, the eleventh chapter is the most important one: TMC's vulnerabilities are real. The school jobs scam has damaged public trust deeply. It struck at the heart of educated Bengal's moral economy: the belief that study, merit and public recruitment can still produce dignity. When thousands of appointments are cancelled, when courts intervene, when tainted lists are discussed, and when genuine candidates feel cheated, the wound goes beyond one department. It tells young people that the system is rigged. If TMC wins, transparent recruitment must be its first governance reset.

The Real Anger Against TMC

The second vulnerability is syndicate raj. TMC's local embeddedness wins elections, but it can also become coercive control over construction, contracts, markets, clubs, small businesses, permissions and neighbourhood life. Cut money, intimidation, party-linked extortion and local arrogance may not operate everywhere, but where they do, they create intense resentment. This is the most dangerous contradiction in the TMC model: the same cadre who helps a beneficiary access welfare can also dominate the same family through fear. A fourth-term government cannot survive long-term if it protects such networks.

The third vulnerability is women's dignity. Sandeshkhali and RG Kar have created moral anger that no serious analysis can minimise. BJP may politicise these issues, but politicisation does not make the underlying pain false. For a party led by India's most prominent woman chief minister, and for a party whose electoral base rests heavily on women, this is an existential warning. TMC cannot celebrate Lakshmir Bhandar and tolerate the humiliation, insecurity or silencing of women by local strongmen, hospital systems, police indifference or party networks.

The fourth vulnerability is youth employment. Official unemployment rates may not be catastrophic in the cited data, but the deeper issue is quality employment. Too many young Bengalis depend on migration, low-paid service work, coaching-centre uncertainty, political brokerage, informal retail, delivery work, tuition, small gigs or repeated exam preparation. Welfare protects the poor, but jobs give dignity to the young. If TMC's next mandate does not become a jobs mandate, BJP or another opposition will eventually find a stronger opening.

The fifth vulnerability is education. Declining enrolment, school rationalisation debates, teacher vacancies, one-teacher schools, learning deficits and recruitment scandals together create a dangerous crisis. Bengal's political culture has always placed high value on education. If public education loses credibility, TMC loses a part of Bengal's soul. The next government must fill vacancies, create a credible recruitment calendar, protect viable rural schools, merge only where educationally justified, provide transport, digitise attendance, improve foundational learning and rebuild trust with teachers and parents.

This is why TMC's likely victory must become a governance reset. The 2011 model was built around ending Left rule, welfare expansion, street-fighter charisma, local party control and Bengali pride. The 2026 model must be different. It must be built around clean delivery, accountable administration, investment, productive welfare, school revival, transparent recruitment, women's safety, digital governance, MSME growth, skilling and urban renewal. The party cannot assume that because welfare has won this election, welfare alone will win the next one.

The Governance Reset Bengal Now Needs

The first reset should be from welfare to productive welfare. Lakshmir Bhandar, Kanyashree, Rupashree, Swasthya Sathi and Duare Sarkar must continue, but they must be connected to livelihoods. Every woman beneficiary who wants income should have access to SHG strengthening, Udyam registration, bank credit, digital payment training, e-commerce onboarding, local procurement opportunities and skill certification. Bengal should launch a Micro and Nano Enterprise Mission that links one crore women and youth to livelihood pathways, creates lakhs of nano enterprises in the first two years, and builds sector clusters in food processing, fishery, textiles, crafts, repair services, beauty and wellness, rural tourism, digital work, green products and local logistics.

The second reset should be recruitment credibility. Bengal needs an independent, technology-backed, court-proof recruitment architecture for teachers, police, health workers, clerks, engineers and local government staff. Every exam should have secure digital audit trails, public answer keys, time-bound grievance windows, third-party panel audits, annual vacancy calendars and strict punishment for political interference. This is not merely administrative reform. It is the moral repair of the state.

The third reset should be an anti-syndicate governance design. Speeches will not end syndicates; systems will. The government should introduce transparent e-tendering for smaller thresholds, online construction permissions, ward-level anti-extortion helplines, public dashboards of local contracts, strict policing of party-linked coercion, district ombudsmen for small business harassment and time-bound service delivery guarantees. The leadership must make visible examples of its own cadres. Without that, anti-incumbency will deepen beneath the surface.

The fourth reset should be a Women's Dignity and Safety Compact. Every police station should have functional women's help desks, trained personnel and accountability for refusal to register complaints. Sexual violence and political intimidation cases should be fast-tracked. There should be safe transport and lighting audits in towns, campuses, hospitals, haats and rural roads. Party functionaries facing credible prima facie allegations of violence against women should be suspended or expelled pending investigation. Survivor support must include compensation, counselling, relocation assistance where necessary and witness protection. This is not a public relations issue; it is the foundation of TMC's moral legitimacy.

The fifth reset should be an employment and investment compact suited to Bengal's own strengths. Bengal need not copy Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka or Telangana, but it must attract capital. Its route should be distributed productivity: IT and fintech in Kolkata, New Town, Siliguri, Durgapur-Asansol and Kharagpur; biotech and health-tech around Kolkata and Kalyani; agro-processing for rice, fish, fruit, vegetables, dairy and flowers; jute modernisation and technical textiles; engineering revival in Howrah and Durgapur-Asansol; logistics linked to ports and freight corridors; and tourism circuits around Durga Puja, Sundarbans, Darjeeling, Dooars, Murshidabad, Bishnupur and coastal Bengal. Bengal's advantage is culture plus people plus services plus agriculture plus small enterprise. The task is to make that high-productivity.

The sixth reset should be fiscal and administrative honesty. Welfare promises must be funded through better revenue collection, GST analytics, leak detection, property registration reform, mining and excise transparency, procurement efficiency, central dues litigation where justified, and disciplined borrowing. A state cannot build dignity only through schemes if it does not build fiscal capacity. Welfare without productivity becomes stress. Productivity without welfare becomes exclusion. Bengal needs both.

The seventh reset should be civic governance. Kolkata and Bengal's towns need cleaner drainage, waste management, safer transport, footpath discipline, hawker policy, flood resilience, heritage renewal, better public toilets, affordable rental housing and digital municipal services. Rural Bengal needs roads, irrigation, drinking water, school transport, health sub-centres, market access and climate resilience, especially in vulnerable regions such as the Sundarbans. The next phase of governance must be visible not only in bank accounts but also in streets, schools, hospitals and markets.

The final chapter, therefore, is not simply "TMC will win." It is "TMC will win, but victory will not be enough." BJP is likely to fall short because it has not overcome Mamata's leadership advantage, TMC's welfare memory, minority consolidation, women's support, booth organisation, Bengali identity politics, SIR-induced anxiety, opposition vote fragmentation and its own absence of a trusted local chief ministerial face. But TMC's win will be meaningful only if it treats the mandate as a warning wrapped in approval.

Conclusion: Victory as Responsibility

Bengal is not voting for perfection. It is choosing between two imperfect futures. One is a welfare-delivery state with corruption, local coercion and fatigue, but also familiarity, cultural rootedness and household-level benefits. The other is a powerful national party with central resources and ideological force, but still an under-specified Bengal model, unresolved leadership, cultural legitimacy problems and polarisation ceilings. In that comparison, Mamata Banerjee and TMC remain ahead.

Yet the future will not be kind to complacency. The voter who accepts Lakshmir Bhandar today may demand jobs for her son tomorrow. The girl who benefited from Kanyashree may demand a fair teacher recruitment exam. The family that used Swasthya Sathi may demand a safer hospital. The rural voter who trusts Didi against Delhi may demand protection against the local party strongman. The urban voter who rejects BJP's cultural aggression may still demand clean municipal governance. The minority voter who consolidates out of fear may eventually demand development beyond protection.

That is the true Bengal story of 2026. TMC's advantage is real because it is layered: welfare, women, minorities, Mamata, organisation, identity and opposition weakness. BJP's deficit is real because it is structural: no single Bengal face, uncertain welfare credibility, over-reliance on polarisation, outsider optics, fragmented local leadership and incomplete social trust. But TMC's next challenge is larger than defeating BJP. It must defeat the weaknesses within its own model.

If Mamata Banerjee wins again, she will not merely have retained power. She will have received one of the last great opportunities to transform Bengal's welfare state into a clean, productive, safe, employment-generating and culturally confident development state. The mandate will say that Bengal still trusts Didi more than Delhi. The responsibility will be to prove that Didi's Bengal can now trust institutions more than intermediaries, jobs more than patronage, justice more than party control, and governance more than election machinery. That is the reset Bengal will need after the victory.        

The author is a known academic, Pro Vice Chancellor of a Bengal based university, and Vice President of Global Media Education Council.

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Kolkata, Agency

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee today sought to reassure people across West Bengal amid rising anxiety over the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, following a series of alleged suicide cases linked to fears of exclusion.

“To my brothers and sisters across Bengal, I want to assure you that as long as we are here, you have nothing to fear. Your rights, your dignity, and your future are safe,” Banerjee wrote on her X handle, urging people not to panic or take any extreme steps.


Her appeal came after three tragic incidents within 72 hours of the SIR announcement — in Panihati (North 24 Parganas), Dinhata (Cooch Behar), and Illambazar (Birbhum).
In Panihati, 57-year-old Pradeep Kar allegedly took his life on Monday night, leaving behind
a note blaming the NRC.

The next day, 63-year-old Khairul Sheikh from Dinhata reportedly consumed poison, distressed over a spelling error in his voter record. He remains under treatment.

Interestingly, 95-year-old Kshitish Majumdar from Ilambazar was found dead, with his family alleging he ended his life after failing to locate his name in the 2002 voters’ list today.

Referring to these cases, Banerjee launched a scathing attack on the BJP and its allies, accusing them of spreading fear and division.

“We are witnessing the tragic consequences of BJP’s politics of fear, hatred, and division,” she wrote, adding “Within 72 hours of the SIR announcement in Bengal, a series of avoidable tragedies have occurred. Who is responsible? Will the union Home Minister take responsibility? Will the BJP and its allies, under whose supervision this climate of fear has been created, have the courage to speak up?”

Calling the Illambazar incident “a betrayal of humanity,” Banerjee said generations of people had lived in Bengal with dignity, and questioning their identity was “cruel and unjustifiable.”

“I urge every citizen not to lose faith or take any extreme step. Our government stands firmly with you. We will not allow NRC in Bengal — not through the front door, nor the back door. Not a single legitimate citizen will be branded an outsider. We will fight for the people’s rights till the last drop of our blood,” she said.

Even as she inaugurated Jagaddhatri Puja festivities and rural development projects today, Banerjee said her heart was “heavy with grief.”

She directed district leaders to assist affected families and reiterated that the state would protect every citizen from any attempt to undermine their rights.

The BJP, meanwhile, rejected the Trinamool’s charges, insisting that the SIR process would not exclude any legitimate voter and accused the ruling party of spreading “baseless panic.”

Banerjee, however, maintained that the state would continue its fight “against the politics of fear and exclusion,” assuring the people that Bengal’s spirit of inclusivity and harmony would not be broken.

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Kolkata

Amid growing confusion and fear surrounding the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Manoj Kumar Agarwal today assured that no legitimate voter’s name will be deleted from the voters’ list. 

Addressing reporters after an all-party meeting, Agarwal said the Election Commission is committed to conducting a transparent and error-free revision. 

“There is no reason to panic. No valid voter’s name will be deleted. If any name is removed by mistake, the person will be notified and given a hearing before any final decision is taken,” he said. 

Referring to reports that an elderly man from Panihati allegedly died by suicide fearing NRC-like consequences, the CEO said, “The SIR is a routine process, not connected with NRC or citizenship verification. People should not be misled by rumours.” 

Agarwal clarified that the verification process will begin from November 4, when Booth Level Officers (BLOs) will start visiting households to distribute enumeration forms and collect data. 

“BLOs will gather information through a mobile app. Every voter will have a unique QR code. The process will be compared with the 2002 electoral roll to ensure accuracy,” he explained. 

He added that the 2002 electoral roll will serve as the base year for West Bengal. 

“If a voter or their parents’ names were listed in the 2002 roll, there is no need to show any additional proof of citizenship. Only if the name is missing from the 2002 or 2003 lists, additional documents such as proof of residence or birth will be required,” Agarwal said. 

The CEO also made it clear that the district election officers must assist voters in obtaining necessary papers. 
“It is their duty to provide documents. If any original documents have been destroyed due to natural calamities or other reasons, duplicates will be issued. Voters can also contact the CEO’s office for help,” he added. 

Responding to concerns about the safety of BLOs during field visits, Agarwal said, “The state government is responsible for providing security to the BLOs. The Commission has full faith in the state police. We are not considering any deployment of central forces at this moment.” 

Agarwal said that every district will have a dedicated helpdesk to resolve any confusion related to the SIR. “We want this entire exercise to be 100 percent transparent and error-free,” he asserted. 

The Election Commission has already announced that the draft revised voters’ list will be published on December 9, followed by the claims and objections phase. The final electoral roll will be released on February 7, 2025.

Emphasising that there is “no scope for confusion in Bengal”, Agarwal concluded, “We had enough time to prepare here, unlike in Bihar. We will ensure that every eligible voter’s right is protected and that no genuine voter faces any injustice.”

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Kolkata

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the CPI(M) today launched a blistering attack on the Election Commission of India (ECI) during an all-party meeting convened by West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Manoj Kumar Agarwal here, accusing it of trying to exceed its constitutional limits by determining citizenship status under the guise of voter list revision. 

The meeting, called to discuss the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls beginning November 4, turned stormy as both opposition and ruling party representatives questioned the ECI’s mandate. 

CPI (M) leader Sujan Chakraborty said the CEO’s office “was not even prepared” for the revision exercise. 
“The responsibility of the Commission is to prepare an error-free electoral roll,” he said, adding, “If a BLO (Booth Level Officer) can be appointed from outside an area, why can’t a BLA (Booth Level Agent) be from outside too? Who has authorised the Commission to decide that the eleven documents listed are the only valid proof of citizenship?” 

Chakraborty further warned against politicising the process. “Whether it is branding poor people as infiltrators or including illegal voters for political gain — we oppose both,” he said. 

The Trinamool Congress echoed the charge, accusing the poll body of acting on a “pre-plan to implement NRC and CAA.” 

Senior TMC leader Aroop Biswas said, “We told the Commission today that under the pretext of SIR, one person has taken his life due to the fear of CAA and NRC. The Commission must take responsibility for this. Who is the Commission trying to please?” 

“Everyone associated with this process—from Delhi to Kolkata—should have their parents’ names on the list first. The Commission cannot decide who is an Indian citizen. This entire exercise looks like a pre-planned move to roll out NRC and CAA. Several CAA camps have already been opened,” he continued. 

TMC heavyweight Firhad Hakim warned of a strong backlash if any genuine voter was left out. “If even one genuine voter’s name from Bengal is deleted, our protests will continue,” he said. 

The BJP, however, backed the Commission’s initiative. Party spokesperson Shishir Bajoria said, “Since yesterday, Trinamool’s tone has changed — and we welcome it. Our demand has always been simple: there should be no dead voters, no illegal voters, no infiltrators.” 

Taking a dig at the state government, Bajoria added, “Who spread the NRC scare? We hold the Chief Minister responsible for the suicide. Prashant Kishor, the political strategist, should know better than to have his name registered in two constituencies — that’s a criminal offence. He’s a voter from the Chief Minister’s own area.” 

According to officials present, CEO Manoj Kumar Agarwal patiently addressed all queries raised by the parties, clarifying that the SIR was intended only to ensure the accuracy and transparency of the electoral rolls.

He will hold a virtual meeting on Wednesday with all District Election Officers, Electoral Registration Officers, and Booth-Level Officers to finalise instructions before the revision drive begins on November 4.

The process will be completed in three phases — household verification, objection and correction, and final publication — by March 2026, ahead of Assembly elections in several states next year. 

The last Special Intensive Revision in West Bengal was conducted in 2002.

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Guwahati, Agency 

Kolkata, Agency 

The BJP denouncing the recent attack on its tribal MP Khagen Murmu and demanding stern action against those responsible, held a protest rally in Central Kolkata, today. 
The rally began at College Square in North Kolkata and culminated at Dorina Crossing in the city’s central business district. 

Participants, many of them from the tribal community, carried traditional weapons such as bows and arrows and raised slogans against the Mamata Banerjee government, accusing it of perpetrating “atrocities” on tribal people across the state. 

Several BJP leaders, including MPs, MLAs, and tribal representatives, joined the march. 
Condemning the attack on Murmu in Nagrakata, Jalpaiguri district, earlier this month, union minister of state for Education and DoNER Sukanta Majumdar said, “We have given the police a month’s time to arrest the real culprits involved in the Nagrakata attack.” 

“If that doesn’t happen, BJP will intensify its movement and give a fitting reply to the continuous assaults on its leaders. BJP cannot be beaten down or silenced,” he added. 

Leader of Opposition in the Assembly, Suvendu Adhikari, alleged that BJP workers and leaders have been facing political violence across the state. 

“This government is anti-tribal. Today’s rally is just the beginning of our larger movement. If you want revenge, you must change the government in Bengal. After the 2026 Assembly polls, we will ensure that justice is done,” he said. 
State leaders Shankar Ghosh, Locket Chatterjee, and Rahul Sinha were among those who participated in the protest. 
They alleged that attacks on tribal leaders have increased under the Trinamool Congress rule, while the administration continues to ignore such incidents. 

Addressing the gathering, BJP MP Locket Chatterjee said, “Tribal women in Bengal are facing relentless torture. The state government claims to care about women’s welfare, but the ground reality tells a different story. BJP will not remain silent against this injustice.” 

BJP MLA Shankar Ghosh, who was attacked along with Murmu in Nagrakata, said, “When elected representatives like Khagen Murmu are not safe, how can ordinary people feel secure? The Chief Minister must act decisively, not merely issue statements.” 

Earlier this month, Murmu and Ghosh were assaulted while distributing relief materials in flood-hit Nagrakata. The duo was attacked with sticks, shoes, and stones, allegedly by a mob. 

Murmu sustained serious injuries, and both leaders were hospitalized. Several arrests were made two days after the incident.

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The Khurda Road Division of East Coast Railway has expressed serious concern over the increasing incidents of Level Crossing (LC) gate violations and damage caused by road vehicles, which are disrupting train operations and causing delays across the division. 

Officials said road users frequently attempt to cross level crossings even after the gates are closed or while they are being lowered, leading to damage to boom barriers, signal failures, and serious safety risks. Such reckless behavior, they warned, endangers lives and property while affecting train punctuality and smooth operations. 

During 2024, the division recorded 113 cases of LC gate breaking, resulting in the arrest of 92 persons. Up to October 8, 2024, 88 incidents were reported with 72 arrests, while in 2025 (up to October 8), 64 cases have already been registered and 47 offenders arrested. 

This year, LC gate-breaking incidents were reported from 11 cases in Bhubaneswar, 8 in Brahmapur, 7 each in Puri, Bhadrak, and Jajpur Keonjhar Road, 6 in Cuttack, and 5 each in Palasa and Khurda Road areas. 
Despite repeated awareness drives by the Khurda Road Division’s Safety Department and the Railway Protection Force (RPF), and continuous counseling of road users, such violations persist, East Coast Railway (ECoR) sources said. 

The railway administration has once again urged the public to cooperate and stay alert while approaching level crossings. It emphasized that public support is vital for ensuring safe and smooth movement of both trains and road traffic. 

The ECoR cautioned that any attempt to cross a closed LC gate is an “invitation to disaster,” stressing that such reckless actions not only endanger lives but also damage railway property, delay train operations, and disrupt passenger and freight services. 

Strict action is being taken against offenders under the provisions of the Railways Act, with the RPF and local administration working together to prevent violations and maintain uninterrupted train operations. 
East Coast Railway appealed to all citizens to follow safety rules at level crossings and contribute to maintaining safe, punctual, and efficient train services.

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Imphal, 9 Oct 2025

In a series of coordinated operations, security forces arrested a cross-border drug smuggler and two active members of proscribed militant organisations from different parts of Manipur yesterday.  In the first operation, troops apprehended a 67-year-old cross-border drug smuggler, identified as Zamkhampau of Bualkot village in Churachandpur district.

He was caught in a forested area near Bualkot under Behiang Police Station. Security personnel recovered 100 soap cases containing heroin powder weighing approximately 1.2 kilograms from his possession.  In a separate operation, a self-styled "Major" of a banned insurgent outfit was arrested.

In another action, security forces apprehended an active cadre of a proscribed militant group. The individual is reportedly involved in multiple criminal activities, including extortion and abduction.

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Kolkata, Oct 4 : With the inauguration of Birla Opus Paint manufacturing unit by West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in Kharagpur next week, the Aditya Birla Group is set to launch its formal operation of its new paint factory in early part of next year, official sources said today.

Banerjee is slated to open the factory in Kharagpur's Vidyasagar Industrial Park on October 9 in presence of Aditya Birla Group chairman Kumar Mangalam Birla and Birla Opus Paints CEO Rakshit Hargave.

The plant is being set up with an initial cost of Rs 1000 crore and employs some 2000 direct and indirect job opportunities, will manufacture a range of products, including water-based and solvent-based decorative paints, wood finishes, and wallpapers.

The construction was almost near end and a trial run planned in next few months followed by commercial production.

The Kumar Mangalam Birla-led group, which recently entered the paint sector, had earlier written to Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee expressing interest in setting up a modern paint manufacturing unit in the state.

The group had requested for the land parcel to set up its facility, which has been allocated about 80 acres of land at Kharagpur's Vidyasagar Industrial Park in West Medinipur.

The investment is being done through Grasim, whose Board of Directors had approved a foray into the sector at a capital expenditure of Rs 5,000 crore over the next phases.

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